Marcus Agrippa: Right-hand Man of Caesar Augustus (78 page)

81
. Letoon:
Fouilles de Xanthos
VII.1981, 23 and 24; Myra:
IGR
III 719 – on the same inscription Augustus is declared ‘benefactor and savior of the whole Cosmos’; Patara:
SEG
44, 1208 – see Engelmann (2004), p. 129.

82
. Strab.,
Geog
. 14.6.5.

83
.
The Journal of Hellenic Studies
9 (1888), p. 243, no. 69. Dio 54.23.7 notes that Augustus gave money to the Paphians, who had suffered from an earthquake and, by a decree, permitted them to call their city
Augusta
.

84
.
Ἀγρίππΐος
: Chaldaean dodecaeteris in the
Codex Parisunus
2420, Liber Glossarum,
Corpus Glossariorum Latinorum
, 5.165. The calendar also had months named after Livia, Octavia, Tiberius and Drusus the Elder.

85
. M. Maas, ‘People and Identity in Roman Antioch’, in C. Kondoleon (ed.),
Antioch: The Lost Ancient City
, Princeton: Princeton University Press (2000), pp. 13–22.

86
. Maas (2000).

87
. Lib.,
Or
. 11.124. Oration 11 is known as Antiochikos.

88
. Lib.,
Or
. 11.125.

89
. Malalas, 9.222.

90
. Some historians prefer 14 BCE as the date of Agrippa’s visit, which Reinhold (1933), p. 110 n. 32 and 34 disputes as it is based on ‘dubious chronology’ and of the foundation of the
colonia
.

91
.
CIL
III.156

92
. Cf. the earthquake damage in Paphos n. 82 above.

93
. Malalas, 9.225.

94
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.12.

95
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.12: ‘
Ταῦτα διοικήσας, ἐπειδὴ καὶ Μᾶρκον Ἀγρίππαν ἐπύθετο καταπεπλευκέναι πάλιν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν, ἐπειχθεὶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἠξίωσεν εἴς τε τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ παρελθεῖν καὶ τυχεῖν ὧν ἔδει παρὰ ἀνδρὸς ξένου καὶ φίλου
.’

96
. The inference in Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.12 is that the party went by sea.

97
. See Regev (2010), pp. 197–222.

98
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.13: ‘
κἀκεῖνος μὲν εἴξας λιπαρῶς ἐγκειμένου ἧκεν εἰς τὴν Ἰουδαίαν, Ἡρώδης δὲ οὐδὲν ἀρεσκείας ἀπέλιπεν ἔν τε ταῖς νεοκτίστοις πόλεσιν ὑποδεχόμενος αὐτὸν καὶ μετὰ τοῦ τὰς κατασκευὰς ἐπιδεικνύναι πᾶσαν ἀπόλαυσιν διαίτης καὶ πολυτελείας ἐξαλλάττων αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἔν τε τῇ Σεβαστῇ καὶ Καισαρείᾳ περὶ τὸν λιμένα τὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατεσκευασμένον κἀν τοῖς ἐρύμασιν, ἃ πολλαῖς δαπάναις ἐξῳκοδόμησεν, τό τε Ἀλεξάνδρειον καὶ Ἡρώδειον καὶ τὴν Ὑρκανίαν
.’

99
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 14.360. In
Bell. Iud
. 1.21.10 Josephus writes ‘and as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from himself, Herodium and he called that hill that was of the shape of a woman’s breast, and was sixty furlongs distant from Hierosolyma, by the same name. He also bestowed much curious art upon it, with great ambition, and built round towers all about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space with the most costly palaces round about, insomuch that not only the sight of the inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out on the outward walls, and partitions, and roofs also. Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges, and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the whitest marble, for the hill was itself moderately high, and entirely fictitious. He also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that was put into
them, with his friends also, insomuch that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city, but, by the bounds it had, a palace only’.

100
. Joseph.,
Bell. Iud
. 1.2.7, 1.5.4; in 1.21.2 Josephus writes, ‘yet did he not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire cities; for when he had built a most beautiful wall round a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants into it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, and in the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to Caesar, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebastia, from [the Greek] Sebastos, or Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular manner.’

101
. Joseph.,
Bell. Iud
. 1.21.6: ‘now although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty, that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea; and the beauty and ornament of the works were such, as though he had not had any difficulty in the operation; for when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twenty fathoms of water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. But when the haven was filled up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide; one hundred of which had buildings before it, in order to break the force of the waves, whence it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves; but the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it.’ On constructing moles see M. Vitruvius Pollo
De Architectura
2.6.1, which describes the construction of moles and the use of hydraulic concrete.

102
. Hohlfelder, Brandon and Oleson (2007), pp. 409–415. See also K.G. Holum, R.L. Hohlfelder, R.J. Bull, and A. Raban,
King Herod’s Dream: Caesearea on the Sea
, New York (1988), p. 101.

103
. Vitruvius,
De Architectura
5.12.2–6. See Holum
et al
. (1988), p. 101 and 105, with isometric cutaway reconstruction as fig. 64 on p. 103 and artist’s painting as fig. 65 on p. 104. The authors note that spruce, pine, fir and poplar were identified by botanists among the timbers found.

104
. Joseph.,
Bell. Iud
. 1.21.6.

105
. Holum (1996), Appendix 1, p. 202, Holum (1988), pp. 98–99.

106
. See Hohlfelder (2000), pp. 249–253, who draws on an original insight of Keith H. Beebe, ‘Caesarea Maritima: Its Strategic and Political Significance to Rome’,
Journal of Near Eastern Studies
42 (1983), pp. 195–207).

107
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.14: ‘
ἦγεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὴν πόλιν τῶν Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν ὑπαντῶντός τε τοῦ δήμου παντὸς ἐν ἑορτώδει στολῇ καὶ δεχομένου τὸν ἄνδρα σὺν εὐφημίαις
.’

108
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.14: ‘
Ἀγρίππας δὲ τῷ θεῷ μὲν ἑκατόμβην κατέθυσεν, ἑστιᾷ δὲ τὸν δῆμον οὐδενὸς τῶν μεγίστων πλήθει λειπόμενον
.’

109
. Joseph.,
Bell. Iud
. 1.21.8.

110
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.15: ‘
αὐτὸς δὲ ὅσον ἐπὶ τῷ καθ᾽ ἡδονὴν κἂν ἔτι πλείους ἐπιμείνας ἡμέρας διὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἠπείγετ+ο: τὸν γὰρ πλοῦν ἐπιβαίνοντος τοῦ χειμῶνος οὐκ ἐνόμιζεν ἀσφαλῆ κομιζομένῳ πάλιν ἐξ ἀνάγκης εἰς τὴν Ἰωνίαν
.’

111
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.16; Philo,
Legatio ad Gaium
36–37.

112
. Dio 54.24.4–5.

113
. Dio 54.24.4 explains that after the death of Asander, Scribonius married Asander’s wife, named Dynamis, who was really the daughter of Pharnakes and the granddaughter of Mithradates VI and had been entrusted with the regency by her husband, and thus he was holding Bosporus under his control.

114
. Dio 54.24.4–5; Lucian,
Macrobioi
17; Strab.,
Geog
. 11.2.3.

115
. Dio 54.24.6; Strab.,
Geog
. 11.2.3.

116
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.20.

117
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.21.

118
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.21.

119
. Dio 54.24.6: ‘
καὶ ἐνίκησε μέν, οὐ μὴν καὶ παρεστήσατό σφας πρὶν τὸν Ἀγρίππαν ἐς Σινώπην ἐλθεῖν ὡς καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς στρατεύσοντα. οὕτω δὲ τά τε ὅπλα κατέθεντο καὶ τῷ Πολέμωνι παρεδόθησαν
.’

120
. Orosius, 21.28: ‘
Bosforanos vero Agrippa superauit et signis Romanis, quae illi quondam sub Mithridate sustulerant, bello recuperatis victos ad deditionem coegit
.’ The
signa
were captured when Mithridates beat L. Licinius Murena in the Second Mithridatic War of 83–81 BCE.

121
. Dio 54.26.6. A
praefectus cohortis Bosporanorum
is mentioned on an inscription found at Antiocheia in Pisidia and dated to 8–7 BCE: Cheesman (1913), pp. 253–266.

122
. For the Chersonesos see Carter (2003).

123
. Dio 54.24.7: ‘
οὔτε γὰρ ἔγραψεν ἀρχὴν ἐς τὸ συνέδριον ὑπὲρ τῶν πραχθέντων οὐδέν, ἀφ᾽ οὗ δὴ καὶ οἱ μετὰ ταῦτα, νόμῳ τινὶ τῷ ἐκείνου τρόπῳ χρώμενοι, οὐδ᾽ αὐτοί τι τῷ κοινῷ ἔτ᾽ ἐπέστελλον
.’

124
. Dio 54.24.8: ‘
ἐδέξατο: καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οὐδ᾽ ἄλλῳ τινὶ ἔτι τῶν ὁμοίων αὐτῷ, ὥς γε καὶ ἐγὼ κρίνω, ποιῆσαι τοῦτο ἐδόθη, ἀλλὰ μόναις ταῖς ἐπινικίοις τιμαῖς ἐγαυροῦντο
.’

125
. Drusus in Germania: Dio 54.33.5; Tiberius in Illyricum: Suet.,
Tib
. 9.2; Dio 54.31.4.

126
. Nic.,
Autobiography
Fragment F134; 3 in K. Müller,
Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum
, vol. 3 (Paris, 1874), p. 350.

127
. In the first century CE the Greeks assessed the value of the
drachma
as having parity with the
denarius
. Roman authorities officially deemed the value of the
drachma
at 75 per cent of a
denarius
. The fine imposed by Agrippa was therefore equivalent to 75,000
denarii
or the annual pay of 333 Roman legionaries.

128
. Cf. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.26.

129
. ‘
Συνγενὴς τῆς πὸλεως
’:
IGR
4.204.

130
. Suet.,
Tib
. 7.2: ‘
ut quam sensisset sui quoque sub priore marito appetentem, quod sane etiam uulgo existimabatur
.’

131
. Pliny,
Nat. Hist
. 7.6: ‘
raptus … in tormentis adulteriorum coniugis
.’

132
. Tac.,
Ann
. 1.53.4.

133
. Suet.,
Calig
. 7. Her name appears on statue bases which were erected at Delphi (Dittenberger 779) and Thespiae (A. Plassart,
Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique
50 (1926), pp. 447–448, nos. 88–89) but which omit her older sister, Iulia.

134
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.23.

135
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.22, ‘
πᾶν γοῦν ἦν αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν Ἡρώδης, ἔν τε τοῖς πραγματικοῖς συναγωνιστὴς κἀν τοῖς κατὰ μέρος σύμβουλος, ἡδὺς δὲ κἀν ταῖς ἀνέσεσι καὶ μόνος ἁπάντων κοινωνὸς ὀχληρῶν μὲν διὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν, ἡδέων δὲ διὰ τὴν τιμήν
.’

136
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.24–25: ‘
καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς ὅσα διὰ χρημάτων ἦν ηπίξεως οὐ παρέλειπεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τὰς δαπάνας ποιούμενος καὶ τῶν παρὰ Ἀγρίππα τισὶν ἐπιζητουμένων μεσίτης ἦν καὶ διεπράττετο μηδενὸς ἀτυχῆσαι τοὺς δεομένους. ὄντος δὲ κἀκείνου χρηστοῦ καὶ μεγαλοψύχου πρὸς τὸ παρέχειν ὅσα τοῖς ἠξιωκόσιν ὠφέλιμα ὄντα μηδένα τῶν ἄλλων ἐλύπει, πλεῖστον ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐποίει ῥοπὴ προτρέπουσα πρὸς τὰς εὐεργεσίας οὐ βραδύνοντα τὸν Ἀγρίππαν
.’

137
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.26.

138
. Cohen 1.180.

139
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.23.

140
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.27.

141
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.27–28. The two
drachma
coin was the
didrachma
;
Matthew
17:24. Reinhold (1933), p. 119 n. 81, writes, ‘I take the passage above from Josephus to mean that the Jews complained, not of compulsion to perform military service and liturgies, but of the illegal taxation and the appropriation of sacred money, exempted by the Roman government, to meet such civic expenses.’

142
. Suet.,
Div. Aug
. 76.

143
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.29–30;
Bell. Iud
. 1.21.11.

144
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.31–57.

145
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.58–60.

146
. Joseph.,
Ant. Iud
. 16.60: ‘
συνιδὼν οὖν Ἀγρίππας βιαζομένους ἀπεκρίνατο ταῦτα: διὰ μὲν τὴν Ἡρώδου πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιάν τε καὶ φιλίαν ἕτοιμος εἶναι πᾶν ὁτιοῦν χαρίζεσθαι Ἰουδαίοις, ἃ δὲ ἀξιοῦσιν καὶ καθ᾽ αὑτὰ δίκαια δοκεῖν: ὥστ᾽, εἰ μὲν ἐδέοντο καὶ πλειόνων, οὐκ ἂν ὀκνῆσαι τά γε μὴ λυποῦντα τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν παρασχεῖν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἃ καὶ πρότερον εἰλήφασιν ἄκυρα μὴ γενέσθαι, βεβαιοῦν αὐτοῖς ἀνεπηρεάστοις ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις διατελεῖν ἔθεσιν
.’

147
. Joseph.,
Antiquitates Iudaicae
16.167–168: ‘
Ἀγρίππας Ἐφεσίων ἄρχουσι βουλῇ δήμῳ χαίρειν. τῶν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν τὸ ἐν Ἱεροσολύμοις ἀναφερομένων ἱερῶν χρημάτων τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ φυλακὴν βούλομαι τοὺς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ Ἰουδαίους ποιεῖσθαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια τούς τε κλέπτοντας ἱερὰ γράμματα τῶν Ἰουδαίων καταφεύγοντάς τε εἰς τὰς ἀσυλίας βούλομαι ἀποσπᾶσθαι καὶ παραδίδοσθαι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις, ᾧ δικαίῳ ἀποσπῶνται οἱ ἱερόσυλοι. ἔγραψα δὲ καὶ Σιλανῷ τῷ στρατηγῷ, ἵνα σάββασιν μηδεὶς ἀναγκάζῃ Ἰουδαῖον ἐγγύας ὁμολογεῖν
.’ Silanus may have been a ‘special legate’ not a proconsul, according to Gray (1970), p. 236.