The Crusades: The Authoritative History of the War for the Holy Land (87 page)

Baha al-Din, pp. 194–6.


Ambroise, pp. 123–4;
Itinerarium Peregrinorum
, p. 304.


Itinerarium Peregrinorum
, p. 305; Ambroise, p. 126; Mayer,
The Crusades
, p. 148; Gillingham,
Richard I
, p. 191; Phillips,
The Crusades
, p. 151.


Ambroise, p. 126; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, p. 394.


Itinerarium Peregrinorum
, p. 323; D. Pringle, ‘King Richard I and the walls of Ascalon’,
Palestine Exploration Quarterly
, vol. 116 (1984), pp. 133–47.


Baha al-Din, p. 200.


La Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr
, p. 141. Richard certainly struggled to clear himself of blame and suspicion, his guilt being widely reported in the courts of Europe. Eventually his supporters devised a solution that exonerated the Lionheart–producing a letter in 1195, purportedly from the Old Man Sinan himself (but almost certainly a forgery), affirming that the Assassins had acted because of a historic grudge against the marquis. Gillingham,
Richard I
, pp. 199–201.


Itinerarium Peregrinorum
, p. 359; Ambroise, p. 153.


Baha al-Din, pp. 199–202; Lyons and Jackson,
Saladin
, pp. 346–8.


Ambroise, p. 153.


Itinerarium Peregrinorum
, p. 390; Baha al-Din, pp. 208–9.


Baha al-Din, pp. 209–12.


Ambroise, pp. 163–5;
Itinerarium Peregrinorum
, pp. 379–82.


Itinerarium Peregrinorum
, p. 393; Ambroise, p. 172. Many Latin Christian contemporaries were dismayed by this second retreat. Eyewitnesses, like Ambroise, clearly acknowledged that it was King Richard who foiled the attempt to besiege Jerusalem. Back in the West, however, other chroniclers presented a different version of events, exculpating the Lionheart of blame. Roger of Howden (
Chronica
, vol. 3, p. 183) actually recorded that Richard had been determined to capture the Holy City, but was stymied by the French, who were reluctant to participate because the king of France had ordered them to return to Europe. Ralph of Coggeshall (pp. 38–40), meanwhile, affirmed that Richard had been about to lead the army on to Jerusalem when Hugh of Burgundy, the Templars and the French refused to fight, fearing that Philip Augustus would be angry with them if they helped the Angevin king capture the Holy City. Ralph added that it was discovered later that Hugh had shamefully entered into a secret alliance with Saladin. Ironically, the notion that the French had foiled the Lionheart’s attempts to conquer Jerusalem stuck and, by the mid-thirteenth century, had become embedded in popular memory. Gillingham,
Richard I
, pp. 208–10; Lyons and Jackson,
Saladin
, pp. 353–4. M. Markowski (‘Richard the Lionheart: Bad king, bad crusader’,
Journal of Medieval History
, vol. 23 (1997), pp. 351–65) criticised Richard’s conduct during the Third Crusade, branding him ‘a failure as a crusade leader’, but on rather different grounds–namely that ‘any good crusade leader should have done what the army expected’ by launching an assault on Jerusalem whether it was militarily viable or not.


Itinerarium Peregrinorum
, p. 422; Baha al-Din, pp. 223, 225–6. The most influential of the Lionheart’s new allies were: al-Mashtub–the Kurdish emir who had served Saladin since 1169, commanded Acre’s garrison in 1191 and recently (and perhaps deliberately) had been released by Richard; and another of Saladin’s field commanders, Badr al-Din Dildirim al-Yaruqi. Both served as mediators and negotiators through the summer of 1192.


Baha al-Din, p. 231; Imad al-Din, pp. 388–91. On the consequences of this accord see: J. H. Niermann, ‘Levantine peace following the Third Crusade: a new dimension in Frankish-Muslim relations’,
Muslim World
, vol. 65 (1975), pp. 107–18.


Baha al-Din, pp. 235, 239, 243.


Hillenbrand,
The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives
, p. 195; Ibn al-Athir, vol. 2, pp. 408–9. See also: Lyons and Jackson,
Saladin
, pp. 361–74; Möhring,
Saladin: The Sultan and his Times
, pp. 88–104.


On Richard I’s later career see: Gillingham,
Richard I
, pp. 222–348. On the legends surrounding Richard’s life see: B. B. Broughton,
The Legends of King Richard I
(
The Hague
, 1966).

PART IV: THE STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL

Morris,
Papal Monarchy
, pp. 358–86, 452–62, 478–89; B. Z. Kedar,
Crusade and Mission. European Approaches towards the Muslims
(Princeton, 1984); R. I. Moore,
The Formation of a Persecuting Society. Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250
, 2nd edn (Oxford, 2007); M. D. Lambert,
Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation
, 3rd edn (Oxford, 2002); C. H. Lawrence,
The Friars: The Impact of the Early Mendicant Movement on Western Society
(London, 1994).


H. Roscher,
Innocenz III und die Kreuzzüge
(Göttingen, 1969); H. Tillman,
Pope Innocent III
(Amsterdam, 1980); J. Sayers,
Innocent III: Leader of Europe
(London, 1994); B. Bolton,
Innocent III: Studies on Papal Authority and Pastoral Care
(Aldershot, 1995); J. C. Moore,
Pope Innocent III: To Root Up and to Plant
(Leiden, 2003); J. M. Powell (ed.),
Pope Innocent III: Vicar of Christ or Lord of the World?
(Washington, DC, 1994); Morris,
Papal Monarchy
, pp. 417–51. Henry VI died before he could participate in a planned crusade to the Holy Land. Nonetheless, a number of German crusaders did fight in the Near East in 1197–8. C. Naumann,
Die Kreuzzug Kaiser Heinrichs VI
(Frankfurt, 1994).


Innocent III,
Die Register Innocenz’ III
, ed. O. Hageneder and A. Haidaicher, vol. 1 (Graz, 1964), p. 503.


M. Angold, ‘The road to 1204: the Byzantine background to the Fourth Crusade’,
Journal of Medieval History
, vol. 25 (1999), pp. 257–68; M. Angold,
The Fourth Crusade: Event and Context
(Harlow, 2003); C. M. Brand, ‘The Fourth Crusade: Some recent interpretations’,
Mediaevalia et Humanistica
, vol. 12 (1984), pp. 33–45. Harris,
Byzantium and the Crusades
, pp. 145–62; J. Pryor, ‘The Venetian fleet for the Fourth Crusade and the diversion of the crusade to Constantinople’,
The Experience of Crusading: Western Approaches
, ed. M. Bull and N. Housley (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 103–23; D. Queller and T. F. Madden,
The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople, 1201–1204
, 2nd edn (Philadelphia, 1997).


J. R. Strayer,
The Albigensian Crusades
(Ann Arbor, 1992); M. D. Costen,
The Cathars and the Albigensian Crusade
(Manchester, 1997); M. Barber,
The Cathars: Dualist Heretics in Languedoc in the High Middle Ages
(London, 2000); G. Dickson,
The Children’s Crusade: Medieval History, Modern Mythistory
(Basingstoke, 2008).


J. M. Powell,
Anatomy of a Crusade 1213–1221
(Philadelphia, 1986), pp. 1–50.


James of Vitry,
Lettres
, ed. R. B. C. Huygens (Leiden, 1960), pp. 73–4, 82; James of Vitry, ‘
Historia Orientalis
’,
Libri duo quorum prior Orientalis
…
inscribitur
, ed. F. Moschus (Farnborough, 1971), pp. 1–258; James of Vitry,
Historia Occidentalis
, ed. J. Hinnebusch (Freiburg, 1972); C. Maier,
Crusade Propaganda and Ideology: Model Sermons for the Preaching of the Cross
(Cambridge, 2000).


On the crusader states in the first half of the thirteenth century see: Mayer,
The Crusades
, pp. 239–59; J. S. C. Riley-Smith,
The Feudal Nobility and the Kingdom of Jerusalem, 1174–1277
(London, 1973); P. W. Edbury,
John of Ibelin and the Kingdom of Jerusalem
(Woodbridge, 1997); Cahen,
La Syrie du Nord
, pp. 579–652.


On the Ayyubid world after Saladin see: Holt,
The Age of the Crusades
, pp. 60–66; Hillenbrand,
The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives
, pp. 195–225; R. S. Humphreys,
From Saladin to the Mongols: The Ayyubids of Damascus 1193–1260
(Albany, 1977); R. S. Humphreys, ‘Ayyubids, Mamluks and the Latin East in the thirteenth century’,
Mamluk Studies Review
, vol. 2 (1998), pp. 1–18; E. Sivan, ‘Notes sur la situation des Chrétiens à l’époque Ayyubide’,
Revue de l’Histoire des Religions
, vol. 172 (1967), pp. 117–30; A.-M. Eddé,
La principauté ayyoubide d’Alep (579/1183–658/1260)
(Stuttgart, 1999).


In broad terms, the common pattern through all three orders was to have a division between full knights, who were expected to have between three and four horses; sergeants, the less well-equipped subordinates to knights; and priest-brothers, the ordained clerics not involved in fighting, who were responsible for overseeing the spiritual wellbeing of the brother knights. It was also usually possible to enter orders on a temporary basis for set period, such as one year. A. Forey, ‘The Military Orders, 1120–1312’,
The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades
, ed. J. S. C. Riley-Smith (Oxford, 1995), pp. 184–216; J. Upton-Ward (trans.),
The Rule of the Templars
(Woodbridge, 1992).


P. Deschamps, ‘Le Crac des Chevaliers’,
Les Châteaux des Croisés en Terre Sainte
, vol. 1 (Paris, 1934); Kennedy,
Crusader Castles
, pp. 98–179; C. Marshall,
Warfare in the Latin East, 1192–1291
(Cambridge, 1992).


James of Vitry,
Lettres
, pp. 87–8; D. Jacoby, ‘Aspects of everyday life in Frankish Acre’,
Crusades
, vol. 4 (2005), pp. 73–105; D. Abulafia, ‘The role of trade in Muslim–Christian contact during the Middle Ages’,
Arab Influence in Medieval Europe
, ed. D. A. Agius and R. Hitchcock (Reading, 1994), pp. 1–24; D. Abulafia, ‘Trade and crusade, 1050–1250’,
Cross-cultural Convergences in the Crusader Period
, ed. M. Goodich, S. Menache and S. Schein (New York, 1995), pp. 1–20.


D. Abulafia,
Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor
(London, 1988); W. Stürner,
Friedrich II
, 2 vols (Darmstadt, 1994–2000).


James of Vitry,
Lettres
, p. 102. On the Fifth Crusade see: Powell,
Anatomy of a Crusade
, pp. 51–204; J. Donavan,
Pelagius and the Fifth Crusade
(Philadelphia, 1950); T. C. Van Cleve, ‘The Fifth Crusade’,
A History of the Crusades
, vol. 2, ed. K. M. Setton (Madison, 1969), pp. 377–428.


Oliver of Paderborn, ‘The Capture of Damietta’,
Christian Society and the Crusades 1198–1229
, ed. E. Peters, trans. J. J. Gavigan (Philadelphia, 1971), pp. 65, 70, 88.


Mayer,
The Crusades
, p. 223; Oliver of Paderborn, p. 72; James of Vitry,
Lettres
, p. 116.


James of Vitry,
Lettres
, p. 118.


Oliver of Paderborn, p. 88.


J. M. Powell, ‘San Francesco d’Assisi e la Quinta Crociata: Una Missione di Pace’,
Schede Medievali
, vol. 4 (1983), pp. 69–77; Powell,
Anatomy of a Crusade
, pp. 178–9.


Powell,
Anatomy of a Crusade
, pp. 195–204.


Abulafia,
Frederick II
, pp. 251–89; F. Gabrieli, ‘Frederick II and Muslim culture’,
East and West
(1958), pp. 53–61; J. M. Powell, ‘Frederick II and the Muslims: The Makings of a Historiographical Tradition’,
Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages
, ed. L. J. Simon (Leiden, 1995), pp. 261–9.


Abulafia,
Frederick II
, pp. 148–201; T. C. Van Cleve, ‘The Crusade of Frederick II’,
A History of the Crusades
, vol. 2, ed. K. M. Setton (Madison, 1969), pp. 429–62; R. Hiestand, ‘Friedrich II. und der Kreuzzug’,
Friedrich II: Tagung des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom im Gedenkjahr 1994
, ed. A. Esch and N. Kamp (Tübingen, 1996), pp. 128–49; L. Ross, ‘Frederick II: Tyrant or benefactor of the Latin East?’,
Al-Masaq
, vol. 15 (2003), pp. 149–59.


H. Kluger,
Hochmeister Hermann von Salza und Kaiser Friedrich II
(Marburg, 1987).


Ibn Wasil,
Arab Historians of the Crusades
, trans. F. Gabrieli (London, 1969), p. 270. Sibt ibn al-Jauzi (pp. 273–5) described an outpouring of grief thus: ‘news of the loss of Jerusalem spread to Damascus, and disaster struck the lands of Islam. It was so great a tragedy that public ceremonies of mourning were instituted.’ Roger of Wendover,
Flores Historiarum
, ed. H. G. Hewlett, 3 vols, Rolls Series 84 (London, 1887), vol. 2, p. 368.


Matthew Paris,
Chronica Majora
, ed. H. R. Luard, 7 vols, Rolls Series 57 (London, 1872–83), vol. 3, pp. 179–80. On the authenticity of this letter see: J. M. Powell, ‘Patriarch Gerold and Frederick II: The Matthew Paris letter’,
Journal of Medieval History
, vol. 25 (1999), pp. 19–26. Philip of Novara,
Mémoires
, ed. C. Kohler (Paris, 1913), p. 25; B. Weiler, ‘Frederick II, Gregory IX and the liberation of the Holy Land, 1230–9’,
Studies in Church History
, vol. 36 (2000), pp. 192–206.


Kings of the Hohenstaufen line were still acknowledged as titular absentees until 1268. M. Lower,
The Barons’ Crusade: A Call to Arms and its Consequences
(Philadelphia, 2005); P. Jackson, ‘The crusades of 1239–41 and their aftermath’,
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
, vol. 50 (1987), pp. 32–60.


Rothelin Continuation, ‘Continuation de Guillaume de Tyr de 1229 à 1261, dite du manuscrit de Rothelin’,
RHC Occ
. II, pp. 563–4. This text is available in translation: J. Shirley (trans.),
Crusader Syria in the Thirteenth Century
(Aldershot, 1999), pp. 13–120.


Rothelin Continuation, p. 565.


Matthew Paris,
Chronica Majora
, vol. 4, p. 397. On Louis IX’s career and crusade see: J. Richard,
Saint Louis: Crusader King of France
, trans. J. Birrell (Cambridge, 1992); W. C. Jordan,
Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade: A Study in Rulership
(Princeton, 1979); J. Strayer, ‘The Crusades of Louis IX’,
A History of the Crusades
, vol. 2, ed. K. M. Setton (Madison, 1969), pp. 487–518; C. Cahen, ‘St Louis et l’Islam’,
Journal Asiatique
, vol. 258 (1970), pp. 3–12. On Louis’ piety see: E. R. Labande, ‘Saint Louis pèlerin’,
Revue d’Histoire de l’Église de France
, vol. 57 (1971), pp. 5–18.


John of Joinville,
Vie de Saint Louis
, ed. J. Monfrin (Paris, 1995). This text is available in translation: C. Smith (trans.),
Chronicles of the Crusades: Joinville and Villehardouin
(London, 2008). See also: C. Smith,
Crusading in the Age of Joinville
(Aldershot, 2006). A wonderfully rich collection of additional western and Arabic primary sources is available in translation in: P. Jackson (trans.),
The Seventh Crusade, 1244–1254: Sources and Documents
(Aldershot, 2007). See also: A.-M. Eddé, ‘Saint Louis et la Septième Croisade vus par les auteurs arabes’
Croisades et idée de croisade à la fin du Moyen Âge, Cahiers de Recherches Médiévales (XIII
^e
–XV
^e
s)
, vol. 1 (1996), pp. 65–92.


Jordan,
Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade
, pp. 65–104.


John of Joinville, p. 62; J. H. Pryor, ‘The transportation of horses by sea during the era of the Crusades’,
Commerce, Shipping and Naval Warfare in the Medieval Mediterranean
, ed. J. H. Pryor (London, 1987), pp. 9–27, 103–25.


John of Joinville, p. 72


John of Joinville, pp. 72–6.


Matthew Paris,
Chronica Majora
, vol. 6,
Additamenta
, p. 158; Rothelin Continuation, p. 590; John of Joinville, p. 78; P. Riant (ed.), ‘Six lettres aux croisades’,
Archives de l’Orient Latin
, vol. 1 (1881), p. 389.


Humphreys,
From Saladin to the Mongols
, pp. 239–307.


Nizam al-Mulk,
The Book of Government or Rules for Kings
, trans. H. Darke (London, 1960), p. 121; Ibn Wasil,
The Seventh Crusade
, trans. P. Jackson, p. 134; D. Ayalon, ‘Le régiment Bahriyya dans l’armée mamelouke’,
Revue des Études Islamiques
, vol. 19 (1951), pp. 133–41; R.S. Humphreys, ‘The emergence of the Mamluk army’,
Studia Islamica
, vol. 45 (1977), pp. 67–99.


John of Joinville, p. 90; Ibn Wasil,
The Seventh Crusade
, trans. P. Jackson (Aldershot, 2007), p. 141.


Rothelin Continuation, p. 596; Ibn Wasil,
The Seventh Crusade
, pp. 133–40;
Historiae Francorum Scriptores ad Ipsius Gentis Origine
, ed. A. du Chesne, vol. 5 (Paris, 1649), p. 428.