The Enigma of Japanese Power (63 page)

Ernst Cassirer,
The Myth of the State
, Yale University Press, 1946, pp. 74–5.
↩

John W. Hall,
Government and Local Power in Japan
, Princeton University Press, 1966, pp. 26, 34.
↩

Ryosuke Ishii,
A History of Political Institutions in Japan
, University of Tokyo Press, 1980, p. 9.
↩

Ibid., p. 10.
↩

Kiyomi Morioka,
Religion in Changing Japanese Society
, University of Tokyo Press, 1975, p. 7.
↩

George B. Sansom,
Japan: A Short Cultural History
, Cresset Press, 1952, p. 183.
↩

This was the Taiho code, soon supplanted by the Yoro code of 718. See Ishii,
Institutions
, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 22 ff.
↩

Ibid., p. 23.
↩

And that after already having been significantly ‘adjusted’ to actual practices. See Chapter 5. See also Yamamura Kozo,
Economic Policy in Postwar Japan
, University of California Press, 1967, chapters 4, 5.
↩

John Bowie,
Western Political Thought
, Cape, 1947, p. 189.
↩

John Dickinson (trans.),
The Statesman’s Book of John of Salisbury
, Russell, 1963 (reprint of 1927 edn), p. 259.
↩

The
Gukansho
, written by Jien in 1219; see Delmer Brown and Ichiro Ishida,
The Future and the Past
, University of California Press, 1979, p. 26.
↩

Cassirer,
Myth
, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 97.
↩

Frederick B. Katz,
The Mind of the Middle Ages
, University of Chicago Press, 1953, chapter 8.
↩

Cassirer,
Myth
, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 104.
↩

Bowie,
Western Political Thought
, op. cit. (n. 10), p. 180.
↩

Hugh Trevor-Roper,
Renaissance Essays
, Seeker & Warburg, 1985.
↩

Robert M. Spaulding,
Imperial Japan’s Higher Civil Service Examinations
, Princeton University Press, 1967, pp. 60–1.
↩

Noda Yoshiyuki,
Introduction to Japanese Law
, University of Tokyo Press, 1976, p. 44.
↩

Kawashima Takeyoshi,
Nihonjin no ho ishiki
[The Legal Awareness of Japanese People], Iwanami Shoten, 1967, p. 49.
↩

Carol Gluck,
Japan’s Modern Myths
, Princeton University Press, 1985, p. 119.
↩

Kawakami Hajime, in
Kawakami Hajime chosakushu
[Collected Works of Kawakami Hajime], vol. 8, Chikuma Shobo, 1964, p. 190.
↩

Yanaihara Tadao, ‘Kokka no riso’ [Ideals of the state],
Chuo Koron
, September 1937, p. 8, cited in Matsumoto Sannosuke, ‘The roots of political disillusionment’, in J. Victor Koschmann (ed.),
Authority and the Individual in Japan
, University of Tokyo Press, 1978, p. 44.
↩

Watanabe Yozo,
Gendai kokka to gyoseiken
[The Modern State and its Administrative Rights], Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1972, p. 312; Ito Daiichi,
Gendai Nihon kanryosei no bunseki
[Analysis of Bureaucracy in Contemporary Japan], Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1980, p. 83.
↩

Watanabe Yozo,
Ho to iu mono no kangaekata
[The Way of Thought Called Law], Iwanami Shoten, 1959, p. 178.
↩

Ibid., p. 183.
↩

Watanabe Yasuo, ‘Sengo ha kanryoron’ [On post-war bureaucrats],
Chuo Koron
, September 1960, p. 209.
↩

Noda,
Introduction
, op. cit. (n. 19), p. 159.
↩

Ibid., p. 159.
↩

See Chapter 3.
↩

For an account of the famous pollution litigation cases, and an excellent analysis of the reaction to it by the bureaucrats and the resulting role of the law, see Frank K. Upham,
Law and Social Change in Postwar Japan
, Harvard University Press, 1987, chapters 2, 6.
↩

Tanaka Hideo,
The Japanese Legal System
, University of Tokyo Press, 1976, pp. 255–7.
↩

This interpretation is very eloquently made in the influential writing of Kawashima Takeyoshi; see his
Nihonjin no ho ishiki
, op. cit. (n. 20).
↩

The attitudes of neighbours have generally made it very difficult for one neighbour to resort to litigation against another.
↩

Jeffrey Mass, personal communication. Such judicial practices referred to custom and precedent rather than universally applicable concepts of law.
↩

The Justice Ministry received 0.7 per cent and the courts 0.4 per cent of the national budget in 1986. During a one-and-a-half-hour special programme on NHK television on 9 May 1987, a former chief justice of the Supreme Court, a former public prosecutor-general, a former president of the federated bar associations, a professor and a famous reporter all agreed that the difficulty of the LTRI entrance exams has caused the current problem of a shortage of prosecutors. But the panellists admired the Japanese for preferring conciliation to litigation, and concluded in unison that ‘sincerity’ was the quality most required of members of the judiciary.
↩

John O. Haley, ‘The myth of the reluctant litigant’.
Journal of Japanese Studies
, Summer 1978, p. 386.
↩

There were 1,531 judges in 1890, and 2,808 in 1987.
↩

As of 26 September 1986. Source: Nichibenren.
↩

The Japanese figure is for 1985, the others for 1984.
↩

These points were made by an experienced lawyer, a representative of the Seihokyo, an organisation described below, which opposes increased bureaucratic control over the judicial system and its politicisation by LDP interests.
↩

‘Saibanzata wa iya . . .’ [No to Litigation],
Asahi Shimbun
, 1 December 1985.
↩

For a history of this, see J. A. A. Stockwin,
Japan: Divided Politics in a Growth Economy
, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1982 (2nd edn), pp. 205 ff.
↩

Upham,
Law
, op. cit. (n. 31), p. 176.
↩

Ito,
Gendai Nihon
, op. cit. (n. 24), pp. 82–3.
↩

Tahara Soichiro,
Nihon no kanryo 1980
[Bureaucrats of Japan 1980], Bungei Shunju, 1979, p. 272.
↩

Noda,
Introduction
, op. cit. (n. 19), p. 148.
↩

Miyamoto Yasuaki,
Kiki ni tatsu shiho
[Justice in Crisis], Chobunsha, 1978, p. 98.
↩

Ushiomi Toshitaka, ‘Sengo no Nihon shakai to horitsuka, 1, saibankan’ [Post-war Japanese society and jurists, part 1, the judge], in Ushiomi Toshitaka (ed.),
Gendai no horitsuka, Iwanami koza gendaiho
, vol. 6, Iwanami Shoten, 1966, p. 67.
↩

Nomura Jiro,
Saiko Saibansho
[The Supreme Court], Kodansha, 1987, p. 75.
↩

Miyamoto,
Kiki
, op. cit. (n. 48), p. 98.
↩

Tamaki Naoya, personal communication.
↩

Ibid. See also Aoki Eigoro,
Saibankan no senso sekinin
[The War Responsibility of Judges], Nihon Hyoronsha, 1963.
↩

Ushiomi, ‘Sengo no Nihon’, op. cit. (n. 49), p. 65.
↩

Yonehara Itaru, Kazahaya Yasoji and Shiota Shobei,
Tokko keisatsu kokusho
[Black Paper on the ‘Thought Police’], Shin Nippon Shuppansha, 1977, pp. 227–30.
↩

Ushiomi, ‘Sengo no Nihon’, op. cit. (n. 49), p. 84.
↩

For the prevalence of intermarriage in the judicial field, especially in the prosecutors’ office, see Kubo Hiroshi,
Nihon no kensatsu
[Public Prosecution in Japan], Kodansha, 1986, p. 189.
↩

Nomura,
Saiko Saibansho
, op. cit. (n. 50), p. 67.
↩

Asahi
Evening News, 9 November 1987.
↩

Nomura,
Saiko Saibansho
, op. cit. (n. 50), p. 140.
↩

Tamaki Naoya, personal communication.
↩

Immediately after the occupation ended, conservative politicians urged revision of the constitution on the basis that it had been imposed and was partly inimical to Japanese customs. A year after its formation, the LDP instituted a commission to study the matter, and until 1964 many proposals for alteration were made. The commission did not recommend any course of action as it was clear that the controversy surrounding serious attempts for revision would be too great for the government to handle. Important politicians (such as the late Kishi Nobosuke) have continued to propagate the need for revision. Former prime minister Nakasone is also known as an advocate for Japan’s ‘own’ constitution, but he was well aware of the impossibility of reintroducing the issue during his relatively long term in office. For a good account of the way in which the constitution was imposed, see Stockwin,
Divided Pohtics
, op. cit. (n. 43), pp. 197–202.
↩

Nomura,
Saiko Saibansho
, op. cit. (n. 50), p. 67.
↩

Judge Miyamoto Yasuaki; see his
Kiki ni tatsu shiho
, op. cit. (n. 48); and Fukuda Akira, ‘Saikosai to Seihokyo wa dochira no iibun ga tadashii ka’ [Which is right, the Supreme Court or Seihokyo?],
Gendai
, June 1971, pp. 98–106.
↩

Fukuda, ‘Saikosai’, op. cit. (n. 64), p. 103.
↩

Nomura,
Saiko Saibansho
, op. cit. (n. 50), p. 77.
↩

Fukuda, ‘Saikosai’, op. cit. (n. 64), pp. 102–3.
↩

Nomura,
Saiko Saibansho
, op. cit. (n. 50), p. 78.
↩

Ibid., p. 79.
↩

Shimizu Makoto, ‘Senzen no horitsuka ni tsuite no ich-ikosatsu’ [A reflection on pre-war jurists], in Ushiomi,
Gendai no horitsuka
, op. cit. (n. 49), p. 12.
↩

Activist lawyer, personal communication.
↩

Seihokyo representative, personal communication.
↩

Tamaki Naoya, personal communication.
↩

Ibid.
↩

Kubo,
Nihon no kensatsu
, op. cit. (n. 57), p. 41.
↩

Between 1981 and 1985 the prosecutor won in 99.991 to 99.995 per cent of all cases, according to the 1986 white paper on crime.
↩

Asahi Shimbun (eds.),
Mujitsu wa muzai ni
[The Innocent Should Be Found Not Guilty], Suzusawa Shoten, 1984, pp. 221–7.
↩

Ushiomi Toshitaka, ‘Sengo no Nihon shakai to horitsuka, 2, kensatsukan’ [Post-war Japanese society and jurists, part 2, the public prosecutor], in Ushiomi,
Gendai no horitsuka
, op. cit. (n. 49), pp. 108—10.
↩

Gordon Mark Berger,
Parties out of Power in Japan
, 1931–1941, Princeton University Press, 1977, p. 205.
↩

Richard H. Mitchell,
Thought Control in Prewar Japan
, Cornell University Press; Berger, Parties, op. cit. (n. 79); and Richard Storry,
The Double Patriots
, Chatto & Windus, 1957.
↩

Tahara,
Nihon no kanryo
, op. cit. (n. 46), p. 257.
↩

Kubo,
Nihon no kensatsu
, op. cit. (n. 57), p. 145.
↩

Noda,
Introduction
, op. cit. (n. 19), p. 149.
↩

Kubo,
Nihon no kensatsu
, op. cit. (n. 57), p. 42.
↩

The Shiratori decision of the Supreme Court in 1975 can be said to have opened the door for a limited number of retrials, mostly involving false original confessions.
↩

Chalmers Johnson,
Conspiracy at Matsukawa
, University of California Press, 1972, p. 149.
↩

Ito Takashi, personal communication.
↩

Tahara,
Nihon no kanryo
, op. cit. (n. 46), p. 273; Kubo,
Nihon no kensatsu
, op. cit. (n. 57), pp. 137–42; Murofushi Tetsuro, ‘Kensatsu to seiji’ [The public prosecution and politics], in
Gendai no kensatsu
(
Hogaku Seminaa
special issue), Nihon Hyoronsha, August 1981, p. 270.
↩

Murofushi, ‘Kensatsu to seiji’, op. cit. (n. 88), p. 270.
↩

Kubo,
Nihon no kensatsu
, op. cit. (n. 57), p. 70.
↩

Tamaki Kazuo, who was involved with the Toshijaanaru money scandal. He died in January 1987.
↩

Tahara,
Nihon no kanryo
, op. cit. (n. 46), pp. 277–82.
↩

Kubo,
Nihon no kensatsu
, op. cit. (n. 57), p. 15.
↩

Ibid., pp. 99–112.
↩

John O. Haley, ‘Sheathing the sword of justice in Japan: an essay on law without sanctions’,
Journal of Japanese Studies
, Summer 1982, p. 266.
↩

Ibid., pp. 267–8.
↩

Asahi Shimbun
, 15 December 1986 (evening edition).
↩

See Chapter 14.
↩

Kiyohara Jumpei,
Japan Times
, date unknown.
↩

The
honne–tatemae
dichotomy is becoming established in analyses of Japan. Depending on how it is applied, it sometimes differs from what I have called ‘formal’ and ‘substantial’ reality.
↩

Christie W. Kiefer, ‘The danchi
zoku
and the evolution of metropolitan mind’, in Lewis Austin (ed.),
Japan: The Paradox of Progress
, Yale University Press, 1976, p. 281.
↩

Thomas P. Rohlen,
Japan’s High Schools
, University of California Press, 1983, p. 268.
↩

Maruyama Masao, ‘Japanese thought’, reprinted in
Journal of Social and Political Ideas in Japan
, April 1964, p. 42.
↩

Rohlen,
High Schools
, op. cit. (n. 5), p. 251.
↩

Watsuji Tetsuro, ‘Keeberu sensei’ [Professor Koeber],
Watsuji Tetsuro zenshu
, vol. 6, Iwanami Shoten, 1962, p. 25.
↩

For an extensive account of this debate, see Germaine A. Hoston,
Marxism and the Crisis of Development in Prewar Japan
, Princeton University Press, 1986.
↩

Edward Seidensticker, ‘The pulverisers’,
Encounter
, June 1970, p. 83.
↩

Maruyama Masao,
Studies in the Intellectual History of Tokugawa Japan
, Tokyo University Press, 1974, p. 170.
↩

Among many others, see Suzuki Takao in
Tozasareta gengo
[The Isolated Language], Shinchosha, 1975. For a most erudite attack on this type of nonsense, see Peter N. Dale,
The Myth of Japanese Uniqueness
, Croom Helm, 1986, esp. p. 89.
↩

For an excellent account of the Zen influence on political orthodoxies of the Tokugawa period, see Herman Ooms,
Tokugawa Ideology
, Princeton University Press, 1985, pp. 122–43.
↩

See Chapter 1.
↩

Derk Bodde, ‘Harmony and conflict in Chinese philosophy’, in H. G. Creel (ed.),
Studies in Chinese Thought
, University of Chicago Press, 1953.
↩

Creel,
Chinese Thought
, University of Chicago Press, 1953, chapter 3.
↩

This is from Confucius, Analects, 11.23.3. See also 14.17–18.
↩

Creel,
Chinese Thought
, op. cit. (n. 16), chapter 3.
↩

Ishida Takeshi makes the same point in his work. See, for instance,
Japanese Political Culture
, Transaction Books, 1983, p. 12.
↩

Ruth Benedict,
The Chrysanthemum and the Sword
, Houghton Mifflin, 1946, p. 41.
↩

Yasuo Wakatsuki, ‘Unpleasant, other side to Japanese’,
Japan Times
, 25 May 1980.
↩

This happened to a cartoon Ranan Lurie made while employed by the
Asahi
, showing Syria in the form of a Lion who had swallowed the Lebanese leader Gemayel – Ranan Lurie, personal communication.
↩

See, for example, Zevedei Barbu,
Society, Culture and Personality
, Blackwell, 1971, p. 75.
↩

Peter Berger,
The Sacred Canopy
, Doubleday, 1967.
↩

Ian Buruma, ‘We Japanese’,
New York Review of Books
, 12 March 1987.
↩

Ibid.
↩

Asahi Shimbunsha Chosa Kenkyushitsu,
Nihon no kokusaika e no ichikosatsu
[A Study of the Intemationalisation of Japan], 1987, p. 7.
↩

These were ideals that before the Tokugawa settlement probably were only partly reflected in reality. There are indications that, at least in some regions and some stretches over the nearly five centuries during which warrior society developed, there were fairly independent-minded samurai who sold their services to the highest bidder. After the consolidation of the Tokugawa regime, such samurai mobility was largely out of the question. To facilitate their control, the
bakufu
power-holders designed rules that aimed to fix every person in a permanent station in life. The Laws Governing the Military Houses, promulgated in 1615, forbade outsiders to reside in a particular domain, forbade the construction of new strongholds, ordered the reporting of any innovations or factional activity in neighbouring domains, required the notification of marriages and among many more stipulations listed the type of dress to be worn by people of different rank and prescribed other behaviour deemed proper to their station in life. See R. Tsunoda, W. T. de Bary and D. Keene (eds.),
Sources of Japanese Tradition
, Columbia University Press, 1958, pp. 335–8.
↩

Herman Ooms,
Tokugawa Ideology
, Princeton University Press, 1985, chapter 4. I am much indebted to this brilliant study of the various ideological constructs of the early Tokugawa period. It is exceptional in its emphasis on the political significance of this thought, and presents a marvellously clarifying perspective on it. See also George Elison, Deus Destroyed, Harvard University Press, 1973, p. 227.
↩

Ooms,
Ideology
, op. cit. (n. 7), p. 130.
↩

Ibid., p. 130.
↩

Elison,
Deus
, op. cit. (n. 7), pp. 226–7.
↩

Yamamoto Tsunetomo,
Hagakure
, trans. William Scott Wilson, Kodansha International, 1979, p. 17. Donald Richie has called the
Hagakure
the Emily Post of the samurai age, since it is preoccupied with the minutiae of etiquette.
↩

Arthur Koestler,
The Lotus and the Robot
, Hutchinson, 1960, p. 208.
↩

Noru Hirano,
Daily Yomiuri
, 2 February 1983.
↩

Delmer Brown,
Nationalism in Japan
. University of California Press, 1955, pp. 55–6.
↩

Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi,
Anti-Foreignism and Western Learning in Early Modern Japan
, Harvard University Press, 1986, p. 37; and David M. Earl,
Emperor and Nation in Japan
, University of Washington Press, 1964, pp. 74–6.
↩

Earl,
Emperor and Nation
, op. cit. (n. 15), p. 78.
↩

Robert Frage and Thomas P. Rohlen, ‘The future of a tradition: Japanese spirit in the 1980s’, in Lewis Austin (ed.),
Japan: The Paradox of Progress
, Yale University Press, 1976, p. 264.
↩

Ibid.
↩

Ooms,
Ideology
, op. cit. (n. 7), p. 290.
↩

Richard H. Mitchell,
Censorship in Imperial Japan
, Princeton University Press, 1983, p. 8.
↩

As quoted in Satomi Kishio,
Discovery of Japanese Idealism
, Kegan Paul, Trench, Truhner, 1924, p. 73.
↩

Ooms,
Ideology
, op. cit. (n. 7), p. 247.
↩

The common interpretation that Hayashi Razan established the neo-Con-fucian orthodoxy at the behest of the founder of Tokugawa shogunate is based on a Hayashi boast. The orthodoxy only emerged in the later part of the seventeenth century. See Ooms,
Ideology
, op. cit. (n. 7), pp. 72 ff., 287.
↩

Ogyu Sorai is an interesting subject of debate among historians of Tokugawa thought. He appeared to condone dishonest manipulation by the ruler as long as this served to achieve the moral purposes of the Confucian Way. Maruyama Masao, Japan’s highly respected major post-war political theorist, has likened Sorai to Machiavelli, because of having discovered political theory as distinct from political ethics. But others question whether Ogyu’s thought did in fact separate politics from morality and nature. See Maruyama Masao,
Studies in the Intellectual History of Tokugawa Japan
, University of Tokyo Press, 1974, p. 83; and Tetsuo Najita, ‘Reconsidering Maruyama Masao’s studies’,
Japan Interpreter
, Spring 1976, pp. 97–108.
↩

Tetsuo Najita, ‘Methods and analysis in the conceptual portrayal of Tokugawa intellectual history’, in Tetsuo Najita and Irwin Scheiner (eds.),
Japanese Thought in the Tokugawa Period
, University of Chicago Press, 1978, p. 14.
↩

See Chapter 11.
↩

Earl,
Emperor and Nation
, op. cit. (n. 15), pp. 70–2.
↩

Masahide Bito, ‘Ogyuu Sorai and the distinguishing features of Japanese Confucianism’, in Najita and Scheiner,
Japanese Thought
, op. cit. (n. 25), p. 157.
↩

Basil Hall Chamberlain,
Things Japanese
, Turtle, 1971 (reprint of 1905 edn), p. 1.
↩

Reinhard Bendix,
Kings or People
, University of California Press, 1978, p. 440.
↩

The so-called Morrison Incident of 1837 involving the merchant vessel Morrison.
↩

Nakajima Hirotari, as quoted in Wakabayashi,
Anti-Foreignism
, op. cit. (n. 15), p. 142.
↩

Wakabayashi,
Anti-Foreignism
, op. cit. (n. 15), pp. 143–4. Also David Titus,
Palace and Politics in Prewar Japan
, Columbia University Press, 1974, p. 36.
↩

Nishi Amane, ‘On religion’, part one, in William Reynolds Braisted, Adachi Yasushi and Kikuchi Yuuji (eds.),
Meiroku Zasshi
, University of Tokyo Press, 1976, pp. 50–2, 59–62, 73–5.
↩

Brown,
Nationalism
, op. cit. (n. 14), pp. 101–3.
↩

Takeshi Ishida,
Japanese Political Culture
, Transaction Books, 1983, p. 69.
↩

Hiroshi Wagatsuma, ‘Problems of cultural identity in modern Japan’, in George De Vos and Lola Romanucci-Ross (eds.),
Ethnic Identity
, Mayfield, 1975, p. 315.
↩

Delmer Brown and Ichiroo Ishida,
The Future and the Past
, University of California Press, 1979, pp. 8, 210.
↩

Wakabayashi,
Anti-Foreignism
, op. cit. (n. 15), p. 13; and Earl,
Emperor and Nation
, op. cit. (n. 15), pp. 91–6.
↩

Mitchell,
Censorship
, op. cit. (n. 20), pp. 36–7.
↩

Mikiso Hane,
Peasants, Rebels and Outcasts
, Pantheon, 1982, p. 58.
↩

History of the Empire of Japan, Dai Nippon Tosho KK, 1893, p. 18. This hook was prepared for the World’s Columbian Exposition, Chicago, 1893.
↩

Carol Gluck,
Japan’s Modern Myths
, Princeton University Press, 1985, pp. 36–7.
↩

Kosaka Masaaki,
Japanese Thought in the Meiji Era
, Pan-Pacific Press, p. 364.
↩

George Etsujiro Uyehara,
The Political Development of Japan
, Constable, 1910, p. 7; subsequent references are from pp. 13, 17, 23, 27, 197.
↩

Richard J. Smethurst,
A Social Basis for Prewar Japanese Militarism
, University of California Press, 1974.
↩

Cited in Richard Storry,
The Double Patriots
, Chatto & Windus, 1957, p. 5, n. 3.
↩

See the excellent account of samurai and
yakuza
imagery in films and other forms of entertainment in Ian Buruma,
A Japanese Mirror: Heroes and Villains of Japanese Culture
, Cape, 1984, chapters 9, 10.
↩

The first lengthy and thoroughly considered treatment of this phenomenon can be found in Peter N. Dale,
The Myth of Japanese Uniqueness
, Croom Helm, 1986. Dale also gives an excellent account of the psychological consequences of
nihonjinron
rhetoric.
↩

Nakasone Yasuhiro (speech as transcribed by the editors),
Chuo Koron
, November 1986, p. 162.
↩

Nakasone has clearly acknowledged his intellectual debt to Watsuji Tetsuro in a speech given on 31 July 1983 at Takasaki High School. See
Hato o koete
[Overcoming the Waves], Seisaku Kagaku Kenkyujo, 1986, p. 262.
↩

Watsuji Tetsuro,
Climate and Culture
, trans. Geoffrey Bownas, Hokuseido Press, 1961, esp. pp. 61, 135–56.
↩

According to specialists there are some biological differences, such as a different rate of alcohol metabolism. But these are very subtle and of no practical importance in the context of this issue.
↩

This notion was spread by wartime propaganda, so as to help reconcile the population with the poor food they were offered. Iwamochi’s speech was delivered at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of Japan, 19 May 1982. See also Kumon Shumpei, ‘Nationalism of long intestine’,
Japan Times
, 15 February 1988.
↩

See Tsunoda Tadanobu, ‘The left cerebral hemisphere of the brain and the Japanese language’,
Japan Foundation Newsletter
, April-May 1978. In Japanese:
Nihonjin no no
[The Japanese Brain], Taishukan Shoten, 1978.
↩

For a thorough summing up of the relevant theories of Kindaichi Haruhiko, Suzuki Takao and Watanabe Shoichi, see Roy Andrew Miller,
Japan’s Modern Myth
, Weatherhill, 1982. Also Dale, Myth, op. cit. (n. 49).
↩

Earl,
Emperor and Nation
, op. cit. (n. 15), p. 79.
↩

Yamamoto Shichihei, ‘Modern Japanese returning to Tokugawa values’,
Japan Times
, 20 January 1980. His earlier pseudonymous best-seller was: Isaiah Bendasan,
The Japanese and the Jews
, Weatherhill, 1972.
↩

Some examples of this effort: Umesao Tadao,
Bunmei no seitai shikan
[On the Ecological History of Civilisation], Chuo Koronsha, 1967; Murakami Yasusuke, Kumon Shumpei and Sato Seizaburo,
Bumei to shite no ie-shakai
[
Ie
Society as a Pattern of Civilisation], Chuo Koronsha, 1979. In English, see Obayashi Taryo, ‘
Uji
society and
ie
society from prehistory to medieval times’,
Journal of Japanese Studies
, Winter 1985, pp. 3–27, and the four reactions by American Japan scholars following it: Hamaguchi Esyun, ‘A contextual model of the Japanese: toward a methodological innovation in Japan studies’,
Journal of Japanese Studies
, Summer 1985, pp. 289–322; and Murakami Yasusuke, ‘
Ie
society as a pattern of civilisation’,
Journal of Japanese Studies
, Summer 1984, pp. 281–363.
↩

William Wetherall,
Far East Economic Review
, 19 February 1987, pp. 86–7, for a detailed account of Nakasone’s controversial remarks; and the same author in
Japan Times
, 26 November 1986.
↩

Daily Yomiuri
, 1 August 1983. Some officials have objected not only to katakana syllabary forms of non-Yamato, especially European, names, but even to Korean and Chinese names that could be written in standard Sino-Japanese characters. In the past Ainu Japanese were forced to Yamatoise their names, and during the colonial period all Korean and Chinese subjects were required to Yamatoise their names under threat of punishment.
↩

See all the major Japanese dailies of 13 and 14 July 1987. It is significant that this calculation was made by Forbes Magazine in the United States. No Japanese daily followed it up with further investigations.
↩

Rodney Clark,
The Japanese Company
, Yale University Press, 1979, pp. 40–1.
↩

See Chapters 3 and 5.
↩

Murakami, Kumon and Sato,
Bunmei to shite
, op. cit. (n. 59).
↩

Nakane Chie,
Japanese Society
, University of California Press, 1970, p. 15; and Dale,
Myth
, op. cit. (n. 49), p. 107.
↩

Robert E. Cole,
Work, Mobility and Participation
, University of California Press, 1979, p. 252. Cole remarks that the industrial paternalism was explored by Americans in the first quarter of this century, and dropped as unsatisfactory in the face of the Great Depression and worker militancy.
↩

Minami Hiroshi,
Nihonjin no shinri
[The Psychology of the Japanese], Iwanami Shoten, 1953, p. 127.
↩

A large number of Japan scholars and more occasional commentators have made this point, giving different reasons for it. Among many others, see Takie Sugiyama Lebra,
Japanese Patterns of Behavior
, University of Hawaii Press, 1976.
↩

Edward Seidensticker, personal communication.
↩

For a summing up of the methods used in these therapies, see David K. Reynolds,
The Quiet Therapies
, University of Hawaii Press, 1980.
↩