The Enigma of Japanese Power (67 page)

A good recent example is George Packard, ‘The Coming U.S.–Japan Crisis’, in
Foreign Affairs
, Winter 1987–8.
↩

Nihon Keizai Shimbun
[Dealing with the Policies of the New Conservative Party], 25 December 1961.
↩

Uemura Kogoro, ‘Shin hoshuto no seisaku ni nozomu’,
Yomiuri Shinbun
, 4 November 1955.
↩

Yoshi Tsurumi,
Los Angeles Times
, 25 January 1988.
↩

This is understood by some Japanese intellectuals. See, for example, Kuroda Katsuhiro in
Japan National Press Club Bulletin
, 10 January 1988; translated as ‘Don’t preach to South Korea’,
Japan Times
, 7 February 1988.
↩

Asahi Shimbun
, 21 April 1986.
↩

Personal communication from a mutual friend.
↩

See also the comments of George Murakami, the veteran weekly commentator on the Japanese economy,
Asahi Evening News
, 27 April 1987.
↩

For the difficulties involved and the consequent methods of Japanese bargaining, see Michael Blaker,
Japanese International Negotiating Style
, Columbia University Press, 1977, pp. 14–17.
↩

Ibid., p. 224.
↩

Kenzo Uchida,
Japan Times
, 19 June 1987.
↩

Chalmers Johnson, ‘Japanese-Soviet relations in the early Gorbachev era’,
Asian Survey
, November 1987, pp. 545–60.
↩

Donald C. Hellmann,
Japanese Foreign Policy and Domestic Politics
, University of California Press, 1969; and Donald A. Hellmann, ‘Foreign policy a la LDP’, in H. Murakami and J. Hirschmeier (eds),
Politics and Economics in Contemporary Japan
, Kodansha International, 1983, pp. 97–8.
↩

Hellmann, ‘Foreign policy’, op. cit. (n. 13), p. 103.
↩

Clyde Prestowitz,
Trading Places
, Basic Books, 1988.
↩

Ivan P. Hall, ‘Stop making excuses for Japan’s insularity’,
Wall Street Journal
, 6 July 1987.
↩

The fact that an imported car has its steering wheel on the wrong side for Japan is part of its snob-appeal value; it marks the car as foreign. Some imported cars like Mercedes have a lower resale value if they have the steering wheel on the right side. BMW experimented with the import of two right-hand-drive models and found that there was little interest in them.
↩

T. J. Pempel, ‘The tar baby target: “reform” of the Japanese bureaucracy’, in R. E. Ward and Y. Sakamoto (eds.),
Democratising Japan
, University of Hawaii Press, 1987, p. 174.
↩

Asahi Shimbun
interview, English version in
Asahi Evening News
, 3 June 1987.
↩

‘Tensei jingo’ column,
Asahi Shimbun
, date unknown.
↩

Kato Shuichi, ‘Taisho democracy as the pre-stage for Japanese militarism’, in B. Silberman and H. D. Harootunian (eds.),
Japan in Crisis
, Princeton University Press, 1974, p. 234.
↩

Several months after Tokyo had been informed that a nuclear bomb was being developed, the Imperial Army initiated its own programme for the development of an atomic bomb under the supervision of Dr Nishina Yoshio. According to one documentary prepared by NHK, General Tojo Hideki conveyed his opinion to Colonel Kawashima Toranosuke that the war might be decided with atomic weapons.
↩

For an articulate summing up of the sentiments and ideas involved and a warning against using them as justification for Japan’s war effort, see Onuma Yasuaki, ‘“Bunmei no sabaki” “shosha no sabaki” o koete’ [Beyond the logic of ‘civilisation justice’ and ‘victors’ justice’],
Chuo Koron
, August 1983, pp. 162–89.
↩

For a representative instance of the public being asked to make sacrifices for the sake of better relations with other countries, see Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Diplomatic Blue Book
, Summer 1985.
↩

Among the numerous instances of this kind, see the conclusions of the former Japanese chairman of the trilateral commission: Watanabe Takeshi, Seiron Column,
Sankei Shimbun
, reprinted in
Japan Times
, 27 April 1987.
↩