The Real Chief - Liam Lynch (13 page)

O'Connell who held the position as deputy chief-of-staff at Beggars Bush totally disagreed with the plan formulated by Col­lins, Mulcahy and O'Duffy for reunification of the army under the Provisional Government.

Lynch, Deasy and Seán Moylan were in favour of the reunification proposals, but when the Executive met on 14 June the proposals were rejected, though a resolution was passed which stated that, ‘No offensive will be taken against the Beggars Bush forces.'
19
Following this meeting Lynch wrote to the minister for defence and expressed the view that deputy chief-of-staff was not on, for the Executive:

Personnel of GHQ of your ‘Immediate proposals' are not accep­table. While the Political Agreement provided for a M/D representing the army we are agreeable to present M/D until sanctioned or otherwise by next Convention. Executive insists on C/S but are prepared to give Beggars Bush forces D/C/S, Q/M/General, Director/ Publicity.
20

The Four Courts Executive wanted Lynch to hold the position of chief-of-staff at GHQ in the proposed army reunification; they were prepared to have a Beggars Bush member as deputy rather than visa versa as suggested by Beggars Bush.

De Valera, at a later date, in an interview with the
Melbourne Irish News
said that Lynch had a suspicion that Beggars Bush ‘were playing for time', but was hopeful of unification of both wings ‘and the continuation of the army united as the army of the Republic ... The lengths to which he was prepared to go even made him to be suspected of a tendency to go too far by some of his comrades ...'
21

Lynch was hopeful that under the Pact in a coalition agree­ment with a responsible government, the army situation could be resolved; however, the political situation now appeared to de­teriorate. Griffith and Collins were summoned to London on 26 May 1922. Collins returned and signed, with De Valera, a joint appeal to the nation to observe the Pact. Collins again went to London on 13 June and on his return he travelled to Cork, mak­ing a speech on 14 June which was clearly in breach of the Pact.

The constitution, which had been long awaited, appeared in the press on the morning of Friday 16 June 1922, the day of the general election. It brought bitter disappointment to Repub­li­cans – included was the oath of allegiance to a British monarch and the constitution itself was made subject to the terms of the treaty. In addition, this copperfastened the 1920 Government of Ireland Act – a partitioned Ireland (six northern counties) as part of the British empire.

The hopes and expectations of Liam Lynch were sadly shat­tered. He wrote to his brother that night:

Well, Tom, the situation generally is beyond anything I could any longer hold out hope for. As you often said, I always held out hope to the last, but really all are blighted now and as far as I am per­sonally concerned I feel all my life's work has been in vain. Surely this is a terrible way to feel. Would we could even get back our glorious dead.
22

Here was a note of despair! A shattered dream for a man who had tried, at all costs, to maintain some semblance of unity.

Meanwhile Ernie O'Malley pressed for the organisation of some contingency plans in case of war; Lynch reassured him as he had on a previous occasion, that negotiations would begin shortly and that there would be no need for any action. O'Malley then asked if he could inspect the defences of the Four Courts. Lynch consented. The following day, O'Malley, with Paddy O'Brien (Lis­carroll) made the inspection and outlined recom­men­dations. He then drew up a report, which he forwarded to Lynch as C/S, but O'Malley said ‘it was not acted upon'. While army negotiations continued, Liam Lynch ordered the Dublin brigade to eva­cuate some of the positions in the city ‘in order to promote better understanding.'
23

It was under the mantle of angry disappointment that the army delegates who had made up the previous convention as­sembled in Dublin on Sunday 18 June 1922. The explosive atmo­sphere, which had prevailed over the previous week, re­mained un­­abated making discussion of army reunification point­less. Ex­tremely conscious of the imminence of Civil War, Liam Lynch requested that Florence O'Donoghue move for the adop­tion of the army proposals and so prolong the dreaded day. In an atmo­sphere of anger, disillusionment and bitterness, the motion for acceptance was debated. Despite the disturbed feelings of many of the delegates the debate was conducted with admirable re­straint.

As the meeting proceeded Tom Barry proposed that instead of further discussion on the proposals for army reunification, the convention should consider a motion to resume war against the British forces in Ireland. (Only posts in Dublin and the six counties were then occupied by foreign troops.) This motion was opposed, not only by Liam Lynch and Cathal Brugha, but by practically all the delegates from the First Southern Division and by many others; however, it was supported by members of the Executive opposed to the reunification proposals. Lynch dis­agreed with Barry, and urged moderation, pointing out that such an action would be irresponsible. Both Barry and Lynch were strong-minded Republicans and spent some time arguing tactics instead of prin­ciples. Barry and his supporters believed that direct action would bring the pro-treaty soldiers in Beggars Bush and throughout the country back into a united front and that they could together fight the common enemy – Britain.

Though Seán MacBride agreed in principle with the pro­posal he said, ‘it was very foolish of Barry to have put forward such a resolution at the convention. It was neither the time nor the place for it. In fact it put the onus of declaring war on Great Britain, on a body of men who had been selected by various units of the army to select an Executive which was to appoint a chief-of-staff and to direct the policy of the army until a Republican Government was formed. I understand that Barry proposed that motion to counter-balance Liam Lynch's proposal and to avoid a repetition of such incidents. As a policy the substance of his motion was quite right, but by putting it forward at a Conven­tion without consulting anybody as he did, he was putting those who supported that policy into a very awkward position.'
24

At the meeting it became apparent from a speech made by Liam Mellows that there was a very big split in the Executive based on the fundamental decision of policy. Lynch, Moylan and Deasy were leading the opposition to Barry's motion and it be­came quite clear that once the motion was dealt with, a pro­po­sition would be made that the Republican army be united and controlled by the Free State army.

It appeared on the surface at least that the treaty was work­able. Tom Barry was totally against this whole idea of being under Free State army control. However, sensing the mood he felt re­strained; beyond proposing his motion, which he hoped would bring army unity, he made no attempt to justify it. Though Rory O'Connor and Liam Mellows saw Barry's mistake in bring­ing for­ward this motion as a proposal to the convention, without any pre­­vious discussion, they understood that this was the only policy that could be consistently followed by the anti-treatyites. An air of depression and solemnity permeated this convention. Barry's motion was passed by a couple of votes but was chal­lenged on the grounds that a brigade was present which was not represented at the last convention. Following discussion, the ob­jection was up­held: a fresh vote was taken giving the result 103 for the motion, 118 against. Some heated discussion on the com­promise pro­posals followed, and Lynch declared that he would no longer go on as chief-of-staff.

Twelve members of the Executive who had voted with Barry chose Joseph McKelvey, to replace Liam Lynch, as their new chief-of-staff.

Barry and Rory O'Connor would not accept the continued delay. They left the room, followed by their supporters, announ­cing that they were returning to the Four Courts. Seán MacBride had the difficult task of announcing that a further convention would be held in the Four Courts the following morning. ‘There was an absolute silence and I could hear my steps like shots from the top of the room to the door.'
25
A few more delegates left; the Executive was now split; the anti-treaty section of the army was split; the convention broke up in gloom and confusion. A divi­sion had come about not on reunification proposals, but on the question of resumption of war with Britain.

The state of the army was chaotic during the ten days which followed this third convention. As the proposals for reunifica­tion had not been voted upon, Lynch hoped that reunification was still not dead; however, without the coalition government (Collins/De Valera Pact), there did not seem to be any prospect of acceptance by the majority of the anti-treatyites in the army. If a vote for army reunification proposals had been taken would the outcome have been different? Events were gaining momentum; by this time the political atmosphere created by the treaty divi­sion was now cemented by the rejection of the Pact.

Following the unveiling on 22 June 1922 of a memorial to rail­way men killed in the First World War, Field Marshal Sir Henry Wilson, military advisor to the six county administration, was as­sassinated in London. Commandant Reginald Dunne and Volun­­teer Joseph O'Sul­­­­livan of the IRA London's battalion were ar­rested. There was no doubt in the minds of the British ministers that the Four Courts garrison was to blame for the killing. This was not so. Whether or not an earlier order given by Michael Collins was never cancelled is still unclear. What is clear is that Dunne and O'Sullivan were acting upon orders which they ac­cepted as offi­cial and therefore legitimate. (Subsequently the two men were hanged.) On 24 June, Macready, still in command of the rem­nant of British forces in Dublin, received orders to attack the Four Courts the following day.
1

While preparing to carry out orders the British cabinet alter­ed its decision, cancelled its instructions and instead sent an ulti­matum to the Provisional Government on 26 June demand­ing that the occupation of the Four Courts be brought to an end. Mean­while, the Four Courts garrison continued to commandeer vehicles and arms from the remaining British troops. The Pro­visional Government was being criticised by Churchill and other mem­bers of the British government for making no move against these attacks. The entire strength of the Republican movement in Ire­land could perhaps have been mobilised, had there been a call to close the ranks. The Pact had not been observed and the Dáil was to re-assemble on 30 June. There was no call for reunifica­tion of the army against the threat of British demands. In­stead, things moved swiftly and inevitably to a climax. Pro-treaty de­puty chief-of-staff, J. J. (Ginger) O'Connell was arrested by Re­pub­­lican forces as a reprisal for the arrest of Commandant Leo Henderson who had been held by Provisional Government troops whilst engaged in commandeering transport for the re­moval of supplies to the north – a project on which both sides were still nominally co-operating. A swift movement against the divided anti-treaty forces could, it was thought, bring an end to hosti­lities. At 3.40 a.m. on 28 June 1922 the Provisional Govern­­ment issued an ultimatum to the Four Courts garrison. This was re­fused. Within an hour the attack on the Four Courts opened.

General Dalton, director of military operations, urged the use of artillery to bombard the Four Courts. ‘It was my belief that the using of these guns would have a demoralising effect on the garrison inside, that they would shortly surrender.'
2
Field guns, borrowed from the British forces, and supervised by British per­sonnel, were used to shell the historic building. The Civil War had truly begun.

The shelling continued until noon on Friday 30 June. Fire had spread through most of the building by Friday morning and by mid-day the position had become untenable. Two of the gar­rison had been killed and a number wounded. Explosives which had been loaded on trucks for the north blew up and killed a number of pro-treaty forces.

The first prisoner of the Civil War was Tom Barry who tried to gain entrance disguised as a nurse. Other prisoners included Rory O'Connor, Liam Mellows, Joe McKelvey, Dick Barrett, Seán MacBride and Peadar O'Donnell.

Liam Lynch and a number of his officers were at the Clarence Hotel across the river from the Four Courts when the attack opened. Awakened by the eighteen pounders, they quickly as­sembled and, without hesitation, decided to support the men on whom the Provisional Government forces had opened attack. That decision by Lynch and his men brought the First Southern Division as well as other Republican units throughout the coun­try into the conflict and ended any possibility that the aggressors might have had easy victory. The Provisional Government had miscalculated that there had never been a complete break be­tween the majority of the Executive in the Four Courts and the minority in the Clarence Hotel. Earlier that week Lynch had spoken to O'Connor, Mellows, McKelvey and other members and they were still trying to work out a policy on which they could agree. Lynch had resumed his role as chief-of-staff on 27 June following a meeting in the Four Courts.
3

A council of war of the officers in the Clarence issued a hur­ried proclamation calling on the army to resume the fight for the Republic; this was signed by the members of the Executive pre­sent. A decision was taken that the Southern Division offi­cers re­­turn to their commands. Lynch would go south and set up head­­­quarters in the country. Oscar Traynor was in command in Dub­lin. (He started to mobilise the Dublin brigade in support of the men in the Four Courts.)

On their way from the Clarence Hotel to Kingsbridge rail­way station when returning south Liam Lynch, Liam Deasy and Seán Culhane were halted by a party of Provisional Government troops under Liam Tobin and taken to Wellington barracks. Lynch and Deasy were interviewed separately by Eoin O'Duffy. ‘You'd better be on your way south,' O'Duffy said, accompanying his part­ing words with a handshake.
4

In the Provisional Government
War News
dated 22 July it was alleged that Lynch was released by O'Duffy because he said he gave his ‘word of honour that he disapproved of the policy of irregulars and would not assist them.'

What Lynch had said to O'Duffy was, ‘I think ye are all mad.'
5
Lynch and O'Duffy had always been good friends and had worked hand in hand during the long drawn out conferences for army re­unification; so it is understood that it was through good­will O'Duffy had allowed Lynch to go free, believing that he would help limit the Civil War in the south. Upon release, Lynch, Deasy and Culhane joined the other southern officers at Kingsbridge. Séamus Robinson, who was going to Tipperary to raise some troops, chast­ised Lynch and Deasy for creating the division of which the Pro­visional Government had taken advan­tage. Lynch sternly re­plied, ‘We are all together now', and tried to persuade Robinson not to return with forces to Dublin as Robinson had planned. Lynch then outlined a strategy in which the anti-treatyites would work together keeping the south uni­ted, so that finally the treaty­­ites ‘would succumb to the better force'. Robinson was deter­mined to return to Dublin. They parted and went their separate ways.
6

Lynch, Deasy and the others took a train which did not, however, go beyond Newbridge. Seán and Con Moylan went to Kilcullen where they procured a car and returned to pick up Lynch, Deasy, Culhane and Seán McSwiney. (A group which included Frank Barrett of Clare had got another car.) Lynch's party was held up at Castlecomer by a section of the Provisional Govern­ment troops under Captain Murphy. Seán Moylan bluf­fed his way out and obtained a supply of petrol and oil for the car. As they were about to resume their journey the officer courte­ously invited them to the barracks for a meal. Lynch declined and said he wanted to be on his way, but Deasy intervened and revealed that they had not eaten since early morning. Lynch then agreed. They were treated to a very substantial meal. The men talked freely about the war and spoke about the regretful conflict which had arisen since the signing of the treaty. Accord­ing to Deasy, ‘whatever tension had previously existed, quickly melted away'. Both sides of the group who sat around the table expressed a genuine hope that the conflict would not develop any further. It was past midnight as Lynch and his men rose to go, expressing their gratitude for the courtesy and generosity that had been extended to them. One of the officers then produced a large sheet of ruled foolscap, placed it on the table and invited the men to leave autographs as a token of friendship and as a sou­venir of comrades in arms. Lynch, with Deasy and the other men, did so. There was a warm handshake and a salute from the guard, then both sides parted.

Lynch was very annoyed when, a few days later, the Pro­visional Government announced that Deasy and himself had assured O'Duffy that they were neutral, or at least that they would take no part in the war and that this was confirmed by their sig­natures as autographs in Castlecomer barracks.

In the
War News
it was alleged that Lynch, who had been re­leased in Dublin by O'Duffy was later that day re-arrested at Castle­comer and again released, ‘repeating to Col Prout that he would not take part in the fight'. This statement and that alleged to have been made to O'Duffy were untrue, and though no more than propaganda, they were unhelpful in the prevailing tense climate. Deasy maintained that this was a sad epilogue to a night when the military ‘and ourselves fraternised so freely and parted in such a friendly manner'.
7

That night, after Lynch and the others had left Castlecomer and joined the Cork/Dublin road at Urlingford, they were again stopped at Littleton, but, almost immediately, allowed to conti­nue. At Cashel they were held up again, but there Tom Carnew, another old friend, gave them the all clear. They arrived at Mal­low around 8.30 a.m. on 29 June. On this, the feast of SS Peter and Paul, they had breakfast and went to Mass. For the re­main­der of the day they engaged in a full stocktaking exercise, and Lynch summoned a meeting of those officers in the brigade who could be contacted. At this meeting there was unanimous agree­ment to organise forces on a war footing and to first capture Limerick city and so gain control of the Shannon crossing. It was Lynch's hope, according to Paddy O'Brien, ‘that by isolating the south and cementing it, the Provisional Government forces could become frustrated and so relent their holding'.
8

Lynch wrote to all units in order to state his exact position and also the course events were taking:

Owing to statements to some newspapers and general false rumours amongst the army, I deem it necessary that all ranks should know at once the position of Army Command. It is not possible to give a full outline of situation until a more satisfactory army position pre­vails. Army Executive recently differed in the matter of policy which was brought about by the final proposal of Minister for De­fence for army unification. As a result while remaining a member of Execu­tive I have not carried on as C/S since Convention of 18th inst. Owing to attack on GHQ and other posts occupied by our troops by Dáil forces, and position created by draft Free State Constitu­tion, I have again taken up duty as C/S since Thursday, 29th inst, with Temporary HQ at Mallow. Communications are established with all Southern, Western and Eastern Divisions, and a united plan of action being carried out. Assistant C/S has been detailed to command Dublin and Northern areas, and I am in constant com­munication with the latter. By this evening we hope to have made rapid progress towards complete control of west and southern Ire­land for the Republic. Latest reports from Dublin show that the Dub­lin brigade have control of situation and that reinforcements and supplies are being dispatched through their assis­tance.

I appeal to all men to maintain the same discipline as in re­cent hostilities, and not interfere with civilian population except absolute military necessity requires it.

Liam Lynch

Chief-of-Staff
9