The Real Chief - Liam Lynch (9 page)

Liam Lynch became a member of the Irish Republican Brother­hood late in 1918 when he formed a circle in Fermoy. The fol­lowing year he gathered up some threads of the organisation and was elected as its centre.

The Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) was a secret oath-bound society founded in 1858 when John O'Mahony and Michael Doheny, acting on behalf of a group of exiled young Ire­landers in the United States sent Owen Considine to James Stephens in Ireland with proposals for the foundation of the or­ganisation, and promises of support from America.
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John O'Mahony had been born near Liam's homeplace, and Liam had studied his activities from an early age. The seven sig­natories of the proclamation of the Republic at Easter 1916 were the members of the IRB military council. (The constitution pro­vided for the establishment of a military council subordinate to the supreme council.) The executions after Easter Week 1916 al­most wiped out the supreme council. However in the autumn of 1917 the council was regularly constituted with Seán Mc­Garry as president, Michael Collins as secretary and Diarmuid Lynch as treasurer. Even after the reconstitution of the supreme council no active steps were implemented to revitalise the or­gani­sation, mainly because De Valera and Brugha had come to the conclu­sion that there was no longer a necessity for the conti­nuance of a secret organisation as they felt the future of the national struggle for independence could now be staked upon open military and political organisations. Michael Collins, how­ever, believed the continued existence of the secret organisation was essential in achieving a Republic. In this he was supported by members like Liam Lynch.

The south Munster division of the IRB consisted of the counties of Cork, Kerry and Waterford. The supreme council re­quested Lynch to act as divisional officer in March 1921 to re­place Tom Hales who had been arrested.
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Lynch agreed, thus he automatically gained a seat on the supreme council – a body which regarded itself as the guardian of Republican policy. This event took place shortly before the enlarged formation of the First Southern Division of the IRA of which he was given leadership. Between March and December 1921 the South Munster Divi­sion of the IRB, under his direction, had been re-organised, and its membership increased.

When the Articles of Agreement for the treaty were signed in London the organisation was galvanised into activity. The IRB would have to take a stand. The supreme council met fol­lowing the signing, and issued a note to all divisions around the country:

The Organisation

The Peace Treaty

The Supreme Council having due regard to the Constitution of the Organisation, has decided that the present Peace Treaty between Ireland and Great Britain should be ratified. Members of the Organisation, however, who have to take public action as re­pre­sentatives are given freedom of action in the matter.
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This meeting, held on the night of 10 December 1921, was Liam's first as a member of the supreme council. Two letters re­cord his reaction. The next day he wrote to Florence O'Donog­hue:

The situation is that I stood alone at the meeting I attended, and our Division seemingly stands alone in the army. GHQ staff and several others who have done actual army work are for the Treaty ... My belief is that the Treaty will be carried by a majority of the Dáil. The position I have taken up I mean to stand by, even if the whole division turn it down. On the other hand I do not recom­mend immediate war as our front is broken – which our leaders are responsible for ...
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Referring to Michael Collins, he wrote, ‘I admire Mick as a sol­dier and a man. Thank God all parties can agree to differ.'
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This letter to Florence O'Donoghue and the following letter he wrote to his brother Fr Tom express his foremost ideal that his initial goal was an Irish Republic. The content of these letters should be borne in mind as one views the turn which events be­gan to take over the year ahead. Because of his generosity of spirit he appears to have over-estimated this quality in others:

First of all I must assure you that my attitude is now as always, to fight on for the recognition of the Republic. Even if I were to stand alone I will not voluntarily accept being part of the British Empire.

Whatever will happen here in this week of destiny we must and will show a united front. Thank God that we can agree to differ. Minority of the Dáil will stand by majority no matter what side, the same will apply to the army. Therefore there will be no dis­unity as in the past.

It is only natural that in such a big issue there would be a difference of opinion ... All my Division hold the one view, and that strongly too. Several other southern areas, I know already, are with us in this view. If the government accept the Treaty we shall not, but strike for final victory at most favourable opportunity.

There is no allegiance asked to the British Empire, only to be faithful to it. At all times of course, we give allegiance to the Irish Constitution ... The Governor-General would be of our own choice say for instance Count Plunkett, and he certainly, as only a figure­head would not be much of a connection for king ...

Even if we must temporarily accept the Treaty there is scarcely another leap to freedom ...

Speeches and fine talk do not go far these days. We have al­ready too much gas, what we want is a definite line of action ...

Sorry I must agree to differ with Collins – that does not make us worse friends ...
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Dáil deputies who were members of the supreme council were free to vote for or against the treaty, but those who were against ratification were put in the position of acting in opposition to the wishes of the council.

The South Munster Division received the decision taken by the Dáil with amazement as well as anger. At the autumn elec­tions before the opening of the London negotiations, Michael Collins had come to Cork and presided at the divisional meeting when Liam Lynch was elected divisional centre officer. The men who met in O'Briens, Parnell Place, were representative of the mind and spirit of both organisations in the area. Michael Col­lins spoke to Liam and some other officers just before the meet­ing and he gave, in general terms, the first indication that some modification of the full Republican demand might have to be made in the London negotiations if a settlement was to be reached. Lynch asked Collins not to repeat this at the meeting or else it would ‘blow up'.
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He did, however, state that the officers had fully earned the right to be consulted before any final de­cision was reached on whatever terms of settlement were pro­posed by the British, and, as far as he was concerned, he would do his best to see that it was carried out.
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Everybody was satisfied. However no further communication reached them until the supreme coun­cil's decision (Michael Collins was chairman) was issued to division and country centres on 12 December after the treaty had been signed.

The day the council's decision was made Cork district board met and called for ‘the rejection of the Treaty proposal being submitted to Dáil Éireann as being utterly at variance with the prin­ciples of the IRB and treason to the Republic established in 1916.'
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Liam, in a letter to his brother, explained, ‘my attitude is now as always to fight on for the recognition of the Republic ... At all times we give allegiance to the Irish constitution … we can scar­cely realise what a fine country Ireland will be when freedom comes ...'
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On 7 January 1922 the Cork county centre IRB reported to Lynch that the entire membership of the organisation in the city and county was unanimously opposed to acceptance of the treaty proposals. Similar reports from the county organisations of Kerry and Waterford arrived soon afterwards. On 12 January the supreme council issued a statement to its IRB members which suggested that no action for or against the present peace treaty be taken by the organisation as such, so that the final attainment of ‘A Free Independent Republican Government in Ireland' could be achieved; but the council also issued a statement to Dáil Éireann members wherein it suggested that ‘the present Peace Treaty be­tween Ireland and Great Britain should be ratified. Members of the organisation, however, who have to take public action as re­presentatives are given freedom of action in the matter ...'

The document, which appeared to give other members free­dom of choice, split the organisation. All the south Munster division rejected it. Lynch saw a conflict and a rejection of all he had fought for; he believed that, in making this decision, the supreme council ignored the fact that the whole national posi­tion had been changed. With a passionate intensity he resented the fact that any group of new, though chosen, leaders would at­tempt to destroy what they had sworn to uphold in the de­cla­ration of the Republic in 1916, and also by the solemn ratifica­tion of it by the people at two subsequent general elections. ‘The people have been stampeded, owing to war-weariness and threat of extermination by the enemy. In cooler moments, they will keenly realise that indescribable spirit of nationality and again stand up with their heads high,' he wrote to his brother.
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A crisis was imminent. Not alone was there conflict within the supreme council of the IRB, there was also conflict within the cabinet.

President de Valera and Cathal Brugha, minister for de­fence, wished to strengthen the constitutional position by a more ex­plicit expression of the absolute subordination of the army to the government, a situation which existed nominally since March. Liam Lynch however regarded absolute cabinet control of the army with considerable misgivings. He feared that what­ever mili­­tary strength existed in the nation would be reduced to near impotence by British government control.

Dáil Éireann which debated the treaty had resumed its sit­ting after the Christmas recess on 3 January 1922. Liam Deasy re­cords that Florrie O'Donoghue, Liam Lynch and himself had been in­vited to sit in on public debates which were held in Dub­lin ‘... day after sad day we had our first political experience which was unforgettable and most distressing. We had to listen to men who a few short months before were fighting as comrades side by side now indulging in bitter recrimination, rancour, in­vective, charges and counter-charges. Gone was the old chivalry ... This meant that many of our dreams and hopes for Ireland's freedom were being shattered.'
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The vote on the treaty was taken on 7 January 1922. Sixty-four Dáil deputies voted for acceptance, fifty-seven against. Two days later President de Valera resigned. Arthur Griffith was elected in his place. National unity was broken. On 14 January, the sixty-four pro-treaty members met in the Mansion House, approved the treaty and under the chairmanship of Michael Collins elec­ted a Provisional Government which, under the provisions of the British act, was to hold office until 6 December 1922. The Bri­tish authorities formally handed over control to this Pro­vi­sional Government on the same day. The British immediately be­gan to withdraw their forces; throughout the country as bar­racks were vacated they were taken over by the local IRA forma­tions.

Mallow, the second military barracks manned by the Seven­teenth Lancers, was handed over by the British on 17 February 1922; for Liam Lynch this was a historic occasion. (The barracks had been captured at mid-day on 28 September 1920 by the Second Cork column led by Lynch and had yielded much-need­ed ammunition.) Exhilarated, he led a company of armed volun­teers through the streets of Mallow amidst cheering crowds; as he passed in through the barrack entrance the British guard pre­sented arms. Many of the original raiding party were with him that day including Dick Willis and Jack Bolster, who had been working inside the barracks as painters in September 1920. Paddy McCarthy who, in 1920, posed as a contractor's overseer had since been killed in action.
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It was indeed a proud day for Liam Lynch who walked in as an army officer performing a mere rou­tine act of military duty.

Following the Dáil vote on the treaty the senior army offi­cers opposed to its acceptance held a series of consultations. Lynch was among this group who wished to adopt a policy where the army would revert to its original status as a volunteer force under the control of an elected Executive. In order to put this into operation a convention for the election of this Executive had to be held without delay. With the exception of Frank Aiken, O/C Fourth Northern Division, it was finally agreed that an army con­­vention would be held within two months from that date. (18 January 1922) Richard Mulcahy, now minister for defence, gave a personal undertaking that the army would be maintained as the army of the Irish Republic. Lynch attended a conference of GHQ and divisional commandants and command­ing officers of brigades which was held in Dublin on 24 February, at which the convention was fixed for 26 March. Preparation of an agenda for the convention was deferred to a meeting of the same officers to be held on 15 March. Meanwhile in anticipation of army unity being maintained officers and men were to go to Beggars Bush barracks for specialised training.

The minister for defence was to ask for permission to hold an army convention when the Dáil re-assembled on 28 February 1922. However, it was decided by the cabinet to sanction the minister's request and not to bring it before the Dáil. This gave all the indi­cations of army unity, despite the growing expansion of a distinct pro-treaty force with headquarters at Beggars Bush barracks, which now housed a number of officers and men from all parts of the country.

Lynch was happy that agreement had been reached at the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis on 21 February between De Valera and Aus­tin Stack on the one side and Arthur Griffith and Michael Col­lins (Provisional Government) on the other. This implied unity of the political wing; it was agreed that Dáil Éireann would con­tinue to function as it did before the signing of the treaty, its exis­ting president and cabinet remaining in office. Further to this no election would be held during that period and when the elec­torate voted on the treaty, they would also vote on the con­sti­tution. This agreement was ratified on 2 March by Dáil Éireann. Happy at what appeared to be a development towards unity, Lynch returned to his divisional headquarters at Mallow. Conscious of the preservation of army unity he was determined that the force would continue its allegiance to the Republic and remain un­changed in its voluntary capacity. Lynch wanted the army of the Republic to function not alone in the posts being evacuated by the British but also in those which they still con­tinued to occupy in the northern counties.

On 18 February Liam Forde, mid-Limerick brigade, issued a proclamation repudiating the authority of GHQ. Because he took over the evacuating barracks, GHQ ordered Michael Bren­nan, of the First Western Division who favoured the treaty, to move detachments from Clare into the city to take over posts being eva­cuated. It was an unusual move and the first time that one brigade was ordered into another area. A dangerous situation was about to develop. Captain Hurley who was brigade quartermaster of mid-Limerick decided to organise a separate force and take back from the First Western Division the area they had taken. He brought in anti-treaty men from Tipperary, Cork and else­where, and on 5 March a parade was held. Hurley was placed under arrest. Between 6 and 10 March a number of anti-treaty units moved into Limerick, occupied hotels and a wing of the mental hospital. Pro-treaty groups were also, at the time, occupy­ing some of the evacuated British posts in the city whilst British forces were quartered in others. The situation was explosive. The threat of Civil War hung over Limerick. Many people, including the mayor of Limerick, tried to reconcile the conflicting ele­ments and, because they were unsuccessful, Liam Lynch and Oscar Tray­nor were called to a meeting with Mulcahy, Michael Collins and O'Duffy at Beggars Bush, which resulted in Liam Lynch being asked to intervene. With Oscar Traynor, O/C Dub­lin brigade, Lynch went to Limerick and worked out a solution to the prob­lem. Because of adverse publicity he felt it necessary to give the correct facts to the press in a letter dated 27 April 1922:

I have always avoided publicity but my name has been brought for­ward so much recently that I am reluctantly forced to deal with the matter.

Regarding the statement by Beggars Bush headquarters to the effect that they had done everything for unity in the army and that the other side had done everything possible to break it, I am sure all officers and high command in the Free State forces can verify my emphatic assertion that no officers did more than myself to maintain a united army.

My activity with O/C Dublin brigade in forcing the Limerick settlement when all others, including the Mayor of Limerick, had failed, is sufficient proof of this, and I am sure that Limerick's first citizen will bear out what I say. The M.D. and Mr Collins were pre­sent when agreement was reached. In accordance with the terms of agreement in that most serious situation Owen O'Duffy C/S autho­rised me in writing:

To hand over to the charge of the Limerick corporation the four police barracks, and

To install a small maintenance party – responsible to myself – in the two military barracks, releasing the occupying troops to re­turn to their areas.

Revolvers taken would be returned.

Mr Griffith tried hard to press the issue in a manner which would have resulted in fearful slaughter in the streets of Limerick. I was more pleased with my suc­cess in securing an amicable settle­ment of the Limerick situ­ation than with any victory in connect­ion with my activities in the war.

It was a happy consummation for me to see about 700 armed troops on each side who were about to engage in mortal combat, eventually leave Limerick as comrades. It was the junior officers of the old GHQ staff, who mutinied against the arrangements agreed to by their senior officers in doing the right thing in Limerick, really brought about the present condition of affairs, for I state de­finitely that it was their action on that occasion which ultimately resulted in a cancellation of the Convention.
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Lynch endeavoured to seek a solution to the problem of army allegiance so that Civil War could be averted. He looked to a future convention with hope, but believed if it was to succeed in its main objects with what he saw as a pro-treaty point of view, the army should, in future, be independent of any government. But, being realistic, he was aware of the difficulty a democratic government would have in accepting that it was not in control of the only military force within the country. He felt this situation had arisen because the Dáil had accepted the treaty by a majority vote and in doing so had abandoned its allegiance to the Repub­lic. However, he thought that this was no more than a temporary measure as eventually the treaty would be put to the people for acceptance or rejection.

During all this period his relations with Michael Collins and Richard Mulcahy continued to be friendly. So obvious was his con­cern for the nation's welfare and the future of the army that no one, however much in disagreement with his views, could treat him with anything other that respect. Being in command of a division (First Southern) which represented in numerical strength more than one-fourth of the entire army, his position was strong. The men under his control had by this time a sub­stan­tial number of weapons, they had fighting experience and leadership which was even greater than that of many other regions. In addition, the men under his command were unani­mous in their opposition to the treaty and they were well aware that he would use his position only in the best interests of the entire nation.