“ âDear brother, it was your death I sealed in the oaths of friendship, / setting you alone before the Achaeans to fight with the Trojans,' ” groans Agamemnon, unmanned at the sight of his brother's blood. In his loving solicitude, he makes here, perhaps, his most sympathetic appearance in the epic. Vacillating between self-recrimination and anger, Agamemnon calls for the Trojan people to pay a great penalty for this outrage “ âwith their own heads, and with their women, and with their children.' ” The war machinery starts to grind again; as the Trojans approach, Agamemnon rallies and positions his troops: “The Achaeans again put on their armour, and remembered their warcraft.”
41
Shortly afterward, the first man in the epic is killed, a Trojan named Echepolos, who falls at the hands of Antilochos. And so the truce, with all the promise it held, is shattered, and the war is on. There will be a few future acts of friendship between individual warriors, and one more solemn attempt to end the war, made by an assembly of Trojans desperate to save their city, but this also will be futile.
The proud drumroll represented by the Catalogue of Ships' magnificent display of men and nations dies away hereâspecifically, it dies with the deal cut between Zeus and Hera. Zeus will sacrifice the Trojans, whom he loves beyond all other peoples, and Hera will sacrifice the Achaean cities she holds most dear in order to glut her hatred. Both gods have agreed to an understanding that will break their own hearts. The unwitting, unwilling victims of this pact are all that grand host, the thousands of lives paraded in such pomp and magnificence by both Catalogues. “ âO son of Atreus, blessed, child of fortune and favour / many are these beneath your sway, these sons of the Achaeans,' ” Priam had exclaimed in wondering admiration, viewing from the battlement of his doomed city the glittering Achaean host.
For Homer's audience, the exchange on Olympos would have held particular, devastating import. The cities named by Hera as those she held most dearâ“ âArgos and Sparta and Mycenae of the wide ways' ”âhad been their own.
42
As Greek populations descended from the refugees of these lost cities would have recognized, the self-defeating pact between the gods represented a bitter parableâthe price of the war against Troy was their own defeat. Later traditions would spell out this conviction in more detail, but never with more devastating eloquence.
“ âFather Zeus, watching over us from Ida, most high, most honoured, . . . Let the friendship and the sworn faith be true for the rest of us' ”; “. . . the Trojans and Achaeans were joyful, / hoping now to be rid of all the sorrow of warfare.” With deliberate, extended scenes, the
Iliad
establishes the hatred with which the war is held by both sides.
Lugrós, polúdakrus, dusÄlegÄs, ainósâ
“baleful,” “bringing many tears,” “bringing much woe,” “dread”âthese are the epithets the
Iliad
uses of war.
43
Earlier, in vivid, dramatic detail, it established that the Achaeans are ready to flee for their homes. No one wants to be here; everyone regrets that the war ever started. Everyone wants a way out. The war seems to have gathered autonomous momentum, which, as the epic emphasizes, will end in mutual destruction.
. . . on that day many men of the Achaeans and Trojans lay sprawled in the dust face downward beside one another.
These are the last, pointed words of
Iliad,
Book Four, summing up the renewal of fighting on the day that could have ended in peace. To echo Helen's uncomprehending despair: “ âDid this ever happen?' ”
Enemy Lines
There the screaming and the shouts of triumph rose up together of men killing and men killed, and the ground ran blood.
â
Iliad
4.450-51
An epic of war, the greater part of the
Iliad
is concerned with killing and dying, and the deaths of some 250 warriors are recorded, the majority in relentlessly inventive detail: “This man Meriones pursued and overtaking him / struck in the right buttock, and the spearhead drove straight / on and passing under the bone went into the bladder. . . . He dropped, screaming, to his knees, and death was a mist about him.” “Next he killed Astynoös and Hypeiron, shepherd of the people, / striking one with the bronze-heeled spear above the nipple, / and cutting the other beside the shoulder through the collar-bone / with the great sword, so that neck and back were hewn free of the shoulder.” “He spoke, and threw; and Pallas Athene guided the weapon / to the nose next to the eye, and it cut on through the white teeth / and the bronze weariless shore all the way through the tongue's base / so that the spearhead came out underneath the jawbone.”
Narrated, as it were, in the heat of battle, the swift, graphic descriptions of wounding and killing are endowed with just sufficiently realistic detail to render even the more far-fetched scenes believable; Homer “knew where the major organs were,” as one medical authority has stated. “He did not know what their function was.”
1
For a civilian audience, however, they suffice to evoke convincingly the carnage of the battlefield. More to the point, notwithstanding the anatomical improbabilities, these deaths are clearly
intended
to be realistic.
More important, the deaths are also clearly intended to be pathetic, and on this point the
Iliad
parts company with conventional heroic saga. Fighting, battling, wounding, inflicting death are not merely the central tropes of heroic narrative, they are by and large what heroic narrative is about, as can be illustrated by the following fairly typical, fairly random examples:
The forty warriors rushed to the fight,
Began the fight against the heathen.
They came in a flood then,
They were covered in blood.
They scattered cries here.
They brandished their pikes here.
The face of the earth was covered with blood. . . .
âEpic of Manas
Or:
Each strained at the other from the saddle
Till the eight hoofs of their horses were mingled.
But neither was victorious.
They unsheathed their glittering swords from their covers,
Seven and eight times they dealt each other blows
Over their bladders,
But neither was victorious.
They made haste, they struck each other on their belts,
They dealt each other blows behind and before. . . .
In distinct contrast to these impersonal slugging matches, the
Iliad
's “poetry of combat,” as it has been called, takes pains to personalize its heroic deaths. The slain warriors of the
Iliad
are mostly obscure fellows who have received no previous mention in the epic, but who are evokedâbrought to lifeâat the moment they are killed by some small personalizing detail: “Meriones in turn killed Phereklos, son of Harmonides, / the smith, who understood how to make with his hand all intricate / things. . . .” “Meges in turn killed Pedaios, the son of Antenor, / who, bastard though he was, was nursed by lovely Theano / with close care, as for her own children, to pleasure her husband. . . .” “Diomedes of the great war cry cut down Axylos, / Teuthras' son, who had been a dweller in strong-founded Arisbe, / a man rich in substance and a friend to all humanity / since in his house by the wayside he entertained all comers.”
The vanquishing warrior may carry the action, but the audience's emotional attention is diverted to the fallen foe. This personalizing quality ensures that most of the
Iliad
's deaths are perceivedâperhaps only fleetinglyâto be regrettable. Although the winning of glory in combat is the aim of the conventional hero of combat poetry, in the
Iliad
glory is usurped by sympathy for the human being, possessed of a family and life story, who has been extinguished. Fully three times as many Trojans die as Achaeans in this Greek epic, so the
Iliad
is dense with the descriptions of enemy warriors who die pathetically. This remarkable point is worth emphasizing: subtly, but with unflagging consistency, the
Iliad
ensures that the enemy is humanized and that the deaths of enemy Trojans are depicted as lamentable. The
Iliad
is insistent on keeping to the fore the price of glory.
The
Iliad
's wounded warriors also tend to die. There are no instances in which a mortally wounded hero fights on to prevail over the weakness of his flesh; no god reattaches a hero's severed limb or miraculously restores a shattered skull. Nor are we ever shown the enduring wounds of war, the maimed soldiers who somehow survived a heroic onslaught at the cost of a limb, or an eye, or other diminishment. This may simply be a reflection of the medical realities of Homer's Dark Age, when, undoubtedly, wounded soldiers did in fact tend to die. The inevitability of death after wounding may, then, be a historical, not a poetic, truth, but in any event the mortality of the Homeric warrior is never compromised.
3
In a few exceptional cases, chosen warriors receive magical deliverance from certain death by divine intervention, as, for example, Paris was plucked out of combat with Menelaos by his patron goddess, Aphrodite. The most striking instances of such deliverance involve the Trojan Aineias, who, for example, is also rescued, in Book Five, by Aphrodite, his divine mother, from the hands of Diomedes, the son of Tydeus and one of the most important Achaean heroes:
Tydeus' son in his hand caught
up a stone, a huge thing which no two men could carry
such as men are now, but by himself he lightly hefted it.
He threw, and caught Aineias in the hip, in the place where the
hip-bone
turns inside the thigh, the place men call the cup-socket.
It smashed the cup-socket and broke the tendons both sides of it,
and the rugged stone tore the skin backward, so that the fighter
dropping to one knee stayed leaning on the ground with his heavy
hand, and a covering of black night came over both eyes.
Now in this place Aineias lord of men might have perished
had not Aphrodite, Zeus' daughter, been quick to perceive him.
The facts of Aineias' parentage by Aphrodite and his mortal father, Anchises, is emphatically established by Aineias himself later in the epic, when he relates in exhaustive detail his genealogy to Achilles, as one demigod bragging to another. More important than Aineias' half-divine birth, however, is the extraordinary prophecy he bears to “ âbe the survivor' ” of the house of Priam when Ilion eventually falls. His descendants, so the ancient prophecy runs, will inherit the Troad; it was in deference to this tradition that the Romans claimed Trojan Aineias as their founderâa tradition that has recently received new consideration in view of DNA findings that indicate that the Etruscans, the first rulers of Rome, originated from Anatolia .
4
Altogether, Aineias is rescued four times from certain death in the
Iliad,
twice in Book Five from Diomedes and twice in Book Twenty from Achilles
5
âfar more than any other hero. If, as it seems, the tradition of his survival was already well established, these many close calls should perhaps be seen as the epic's playful sparring with its audiences' expectations: Aineias the legendary survivor appears to be doomedâ“[Aineias] dropping to one knee stayed leaning on the ground with his heavy / hand, and a covering of black night came over both eyes”âthe terrible darkening of vision is one of the
Iliad
's most common descriptions of death. At the last moment, however, the epic relents and Aphrodite appears to protect her fated son, and the audience can smile with relief, and perhaps amusement.
6
The few demigods, such as Aineias, who receive miraculous rescue are saved only by the direct intervention of a patron divinity, not by any special ingredient of their own semidivine nature. The flesh of the demigods is wholly vulnerable, the blood is the blood of mortals, the pain of injury that of ordinary mortal men, as is the inevitability of death. Nothing the men have inherited from their divine parents is itself protective; what saves them is the physical removal from the danger of the battlefield. The vividly evoked vulnerability of demigods such as Aineias will also have bearing upon the nature, and limitations, of the epic's most outstanding demigodâAchilles.
Diomedes' rampage is the most important feature of the epic's first major engagement, and it sweeps unflaggingly through Book Five: Book Five belongs to Diomedes. This is his
aristeÃa,
or display of prowess (from the verb
aristeúein,
“to be the best or the bravest”). The son of the hero Tydeus, one of the heroes of old from the generation before that at Troy and a member of the legendary seven who attacked Thebes, Diomedes is securely placed within the epic tradition's inner circle of heroes. The exploits of his father, Tydeus, are often recalled in the
Iliad,
by both gods and men, and Athene's aid to Diomedes is predicated on her affection for his father: “ âSuch a helper was I who stood then beside him,' ” says the goddess to her protégé; “ âNow beside you also I stand and ever watch over you, / and urge you to fight confidently with the Trojans.' ” In earlier lore, Diomedes appears to have originally been a tribal hero, or even a god, associated with Aetolia, north of the Corinthian Gulf; in the
Iliad,
however, he is the king of Argos.
7
Embedded in Diomedes' family history are a number of telling incidents that suggest that the dramatic swath of slaughter he cuts through the enemy ranks in Book Five may be an extension of an inherited brutality. A great-uncle of his was “Agrios,” meaning “fierce” or “savage,” while his father almost won the gift of immortality from the gods but lost this opportunity by an act of peculiar savagery: “Tydeus the son of Oineus in the Theban war was wounded by Melanippus the son of Astacus,” relates an ancient scholiast, or commentator, on the
Iliad:
“Amphiaraus killed Melanippus and brought back his head, which Tydeus split open and gobbled his brain in a passion. When Athena, who was bringing Tydeus immortality, saw the horror, she turned away from him.”
8