Vienna, 1814: How the Conquerors of Napoleon Made Love, War, and Peace at the Congress of Vienna (75 page)

The success of the Evaluations Committee was noted in the letter by the French Ambassadors of the King at the Congress to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, no. 23, January 6, 1815, 5, and the value of the secret treaty, Castlereagh to Liverpool, February 13, 1815,
BD,
CLXXIV, 303. Unpopularity of agreements in Berlin is in Nota to Hager, February 24, 1815,
DCV
II, no. 1713, and also Berlin unhappy with Prussian performance at Congress of Vienna, Zerboni di Sposetti to Leipziger, February 25, 1815,
DCV,
II, no. 1736. See also Castelalfer to Saint-Marsan, intercepted February 18, 1815, no. 1715. Rosenkrantz also heard of Hardenberg’s windows being broken over his perceived failure to secure Saxony, March 11, 1815,
Journal,
181, and more on the unpopularity in the Rhineland, note to Hager, February 15, 1815, II, no. 1622. Blücher’s words on not being able to wear the Prussian uniform, Flassan,
Histoire du Congrès de Vienne
(1829), I, 225. “Where is Germany,” “Prussia,” and “with the first” are in Sweet (1980), II, 193–195. For more on Prussia’s traditional focus on the east, rather than the west, see Brendan Simms,
The Struggle for Mastery in Germany, 1779–1850
(1998), 61. Another excellent overview can be found in James J. Sheehan’s
German History, 1770–1866
(1994).

The activities of one of Baron Hager’s informers on the night cited in the narrative, including the carriage ride back with Dalberg and early morning return, come from the reports of Agent ** for February 7, 1815,
DCV,
II, nos. 1533 and 1534. The Jean de Paris was described by Friedrich Anton von Schönholz,
Traditionen zur Charakteristik Österreichs, seines Staats-und Volkslebens unter Franz I
(1914), II, 129–130. “I am the victim” comes from Baron Claude-Francois de Méneval,
Memoirs Illustrating the History of Napoleon I from 1802 to 1815,
ed. Baron Napoleon Joseph de Méneval (1894), III, 387. Jomini’s advice comes from one of his intercepted letters to his brother, January 30, 1815,
DCV,
II, no. 1471.

The words “every one contributes, and every one wins” come from Talleyrand’s letter to Louis XVIII, March 3, 1815,
TLC,
365. Castlereagh finalizing his work and planning on his handover of the embassy to the Duke of Wellington, Castlereagh to Liverpool, February 6, 1815,
BD,
CLXXII, 300. Castlereagh pressing for an extension of his stay, Castlereagh to Liverpool, January 4, 1815,
BD,
CLIX, 281;
WSD,
IX, 525. Castlereagh leaves Vienna, February 14, according to Webster, 396, who relied upon Castlereagh, 396. It was, however, more likely the fifteenth, as noted by many around him, for example, Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII, February 15, 1815,
TLC,
316, San Marzan,
Diario,
lxxi, Hardenberg, February 15, 1815,
Tagebücher,
816, and Perth,
Wiener Kongresstagebuch, 1814–1815,
91. Some of Castlereagh’s last discussions, before leaving Vienna, were about Turkey,
GPWK,
411–413, and Gentz to Karadja, February 24, 1815, Castlereagh working on Russian tsar and the guarantee of status quo, Gentz to Karadja, February 24, 1815, 143. Castlereagh’s negotiations with Turkish minister, Castlereagh to Robert Liston, February 14, 1815,
BD,
CLXXV, 306. Enclosure along with Wellington letter, announcing that he would replace Castlereagh, Wellington to Liston, February 16, 1815, also printed in
DCV,
II, no. 1672, though without the insert on the Castlereagh-Mavrojény discussions. Castlereagh trying to ensure that the great powers protected Turkey is also in Webster,
The Art and Practice of Diplomacy
(1961), 21. Like Castlereagh, Metternich was interested in obtaining a guarantee of Ottoman territory, Gentz to Karadja, January 14, 1815,
Dépêches inédites
(1876), 141–142. My discussion of the Austrian-Bavarian dispute over Salzburg and other territories draws on many sources, particularly Enno E. Kraehe (1963–1983), II, 313ff. Talleyrand and the tsar conversation on the thirteenth of February, Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII, February 15, 1815,
TLC,
325–330.

It is, of course, disputed when exactly Napoleon decided to leave Elba, ranging from the first day of arrival or even before his arrival, to mid-February, when he clearly began his plans. Some, like J. M. Thompson, believe that it began as soon as he left France, if not at Fontainebleau,
Napoleon Bonaparte
(1952), 401, while others, like F. M. Kircheisen, suggest a later date, probably January 1815 (
Napoleon,
trans. Henry St. Lawrence (1932), 685), and certainly by February, August Fournier,
Napoleon the First: A Biography
(1903), 687, and John Holland Rose,
The Life of Napoleon I
(1916), II, 405. Fleury de Chaboulon wrote his fascinating if controversial account,
Mémoires pour servir a l’histoire de la vie privée, du retour et du règne de Napoleon en 1815
(1820), I–II. The importance of Fleury de Chaboulon visit in early February, John Holland Rose (1916), II, 405–406, and Thompson (1952), 401–402, which likely only confirmed what Napoleon had already intended by early February; Norman Mackenzie agrees,
The Escape from Elba: The Fall and Flight of Napoleon, 1814–1815
(1982), 201. Troubles of the Bourbon dynasty in France, Grote to Münster, February 27, 1815,
DCV,
II, no. 1843, Goltz to Hardenberg, same day, no. 1845. Napoleon apparently knew of the attempts at Vienna to send him off to St. Helena, and one Englishman reported a conversation on Elba in January to that effect, Agent ** to Hager, May 9, 1815, no. 2353. Napoleon had the impression that the congress was ending, and Murat had written him to that effect, in February 1815, Thompson (1952), 401. Many had fed him that information, including Count Colonna, Fleury de Chaboulon, Kircheisen (1932), 685, and Rose, II, 403–404. Napoleon never accepting defeat and seeing betrayal all around him, Thompson (1954), 390–391, and developed by David Hamilton-Williams in
The Fall of Napoleon: The Final Betrayal
(1994). Napoleon’s men gardening, before departure in Campbell’s journal,
Napoleon at Fontainebleau and Elba; Being a Journal of Occurrences in 1814–1815
(1869), 380. Departure from the island, Fleury de Chaboulon (1820), I, 152–154, Houssaye
1815
(1904), I, 193–196. André Castelot,
Napoleon,
trans. Guy Daniels (1971), 520–521, Mackenzie (1982), 214–215, Lefebvre,
Napoleon
II (1969), 360, Napoleon’s words “without striking a blow” are in Felix Markham,
Napoleon
(1963), 226, as well as Austrian police report, Freddi to Hager, March 10, 1815,
DCV,
II, no. 1855. Napoleon’s orders for the day of departure, including his address to the soldiers, are in
Ordres et Apostilles de Napoléon
(1911–1912), IV, nos. 6515–6520.

C
HAPTER
25. T
IME TO
S
AVE THE
W
ORLD
A
GAIN

Jean-Gabriel Eynard’s words come from his journal entry, March 14, 1815, in
Au Congrès de Vienne: journal de Jean-Gabriel Eynard
(1914–1924), II, 21. The meeting the previous night is in Comte d’Angeberg,
Le Congrès de Vienne et les traités de 1815
, II, 896–898. The arrival of the dispatch, Metternich’s reactions, the meeting with the emperor, conversation with Talleyrand, and the conference with the other powers are in
NP
, I, 209-211. Dorothée and Talleyrand that morning is in Philip Ziegler’s
The Duchess of Dino: Chatelaine of Europe
(1962), 124–125 and Micheline Dupuy,
La Duchesse de Dino
(2002), 189. Talleyrand’s opinion on Napoleon’s destination is in
NP,
210, and also Nota to Hager, March 8, 1815,
DCV
(1917), II, no. 1831, San Marzan, Ilario Rinieri, ed.,
Corrispondenza inedita dei Cardinali Consalvie Pacca nel tenpo del Congresso di Vienna
(1903), March 8, 1815, lxxiii, Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII, March 7, 1815,
TLC,
374. Wellington also recounts the unity of the courts at the meetings that morning, March 7, Wellington to Castlereagh, March 12, 1815,
WD,
VIII, 1. Pozzo di Borgo’s words are also cited in Maurice Paléologue,
The Enigmatic Czar
(1938), 231. The uncertainty of his destination is clear, but many believed he would land at Naples, note to Hager, March 8, 1815,
DCV,
II, no. 1827. Reports of Napoleon arriving in Naples, anonymous note to Hager, March 10, 1815, II, no. 1856, and the opinion that Napoleon was going to France was held by “a great minority,” Méneval,
Memoirs,
III, 350. Gentz learned of the escape, in
Tagebucher
(1873), I, 363.

Spies also learned of Napoleon’s departure, March 7, Agent Freddi reported to Hager, II, no. 1819. They also had intercepted a letter on Napoleon’s departure that contained a reasonably accurate account of the number of soldiers with him, II, no. 1820. Warnings of Napoleon’s likely flight preceded his departure, for instance, Weyland to Hager, February 13, 1815, II, no. 1604, and premature reports of his departure, Agent Nota to Hager, February 25, 1815,
DCV,
II, no. 1728, and another one, February 24, 1815, no. 1875. The evening at the theater, when news spread, is in, for example, Thürheim,
Mein Leben: Erinnerungen aus Österreichs Grosser Welt, 1788–1819
(1913), II, 121ff, and the attempt to remain focused on the performance, 122. Countess Bernstorff also heard the news at the theater,
Ein Bild aus der Zeit von 1789 bis 1835: Aus ihren Aufzeichnungen
(1896), I, 178. Both note the fear on the faces of the congress dignitaries. Other sources note the arrival of the news at the theater, from Bertuch’s
Tagebuch vom Wiener Kongress
that day (141) to Archduke Johann,
Aus dem Tagebuche Erzherzog Johanns von Oesterreich, 1810–1815,
ed. Franz, Ritter von Krones (1891), 208–209. On the performance of the Kotzebue play that night, see also Hugo Wittmann’s “Wiener Theater zur Zeit des Congresses” in Eduard Leisching’s
Der Wiener Congress: Culturgeschichte die Bildenden Künste und das Kunstgewerbe Theater—Musik in der Zeit von 1800 bis 1825
(1898), 271. A number of other ballets and tableaux were also scheduled, including a pantomime called “The Caliph of Baghdad,” as Hardenberg recorded in his diary, March 6–7, 1815,
Tagebücher und autobiographische Aufzeichnungen
(2000), 818.

Response of many Poles to Napoleon’s flight, note to Hager, March 8, 1815,
DCV,
II, no. 1828, and the Polish enthusiasm still strong, Agent N.N. to Hager, May 10, 1815, no. 2361. Rzewuska agreed (I, 271). English as “guilty of a negligence,” Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII, March 7, 1815,
TLC,
374. Blaming Britain, Agent ** to Hager, March 8, 1815,
DCV,
II, no. 1826, and an interception from the same day, no. 1825, along with speculation, note to Hager, same day, 1827. Lord Stewart asking, “Are we Napoleon’s keepers?” N.N. to Hager, March 12, 1815, no. 1864.

Dalberg blaming Austria and Russia, and comments on France overheard by Agent Devay, Agent ** to Hager, March 24, 1815,
DCV,
II, no. 2005. Humboldt’s opinion on Napoleon’s escape, Agent ** to Hager, March 18, 1815, no. 1938. Humboldt wondering about the source of Napoleon’s money, Agent L to Hager, undated report, though written sometime in mid-March, editor puts it reasonably on the nineteenth or the twentieth, II, no. 1950. On General Koller’s trip to Elba, see, for example, the report of an anonymous agent to Hager, November 27, 1814,
DCV
I no. 911, Goehausen to Hager, November 23, 1814, no. 854 and Agent P…to Hager, December 4, 1814, no. 978. Méneval discusses the atmosphere of blame, for example, in
Memoirs,
III (1894), 351. The comparison to the dangerous man in prison refused bread comes from Denmark’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Niels Rosenkrantz, March 7, 1815,
Journal de Congrès de Vienne 1814–1815
(1953), 176. Hanover’s Count Münster agreed about “the almost criminal carelessness” in facing Bonaparte, March 18, 1815, 227. “It was not difficult to perceive” comes from Clancarty to Castlereagh, March 11, 1815,
CC, X,
264–265, and many others confirm the sense of fear, such as Archduke Johann in his diary, March 17, 1815,
Aus dem Tagebuche Erzherzog Johanns von Oesterreich, 1810–1815,
ed. Franz, Ritter von Krones (1891), 211. “Set the world” from Bernstorff (1896), I, 178.

C
HAPTER
26. H
IS
M
AJESTY, THE
O
UTLAW

King Louis XVIII’s response is in Henri Houssaye’s
1815: La première restauration, le retour de l’ile d’Elbe, les cent jours
(1904), 22, and Alan Schom,
One Hundred Days: Napoleon’s Road to Waterloo
(1992), 34–35. “Act of a madman” comes from a supplement to Comte de Blacas d’Aulps letter to Prince Talleyrand, April 10, 1815, in Talleyrand,
Memoirs,
III, 99, as well as Noailles and king of Prussia discussion at Zichy’s salon, Note to Hager, 8 March 1815,
DCV,
II, no. 1828.

The king of Saxony would be freed, and his kingdom saved, Talleyrand wrote to the Duchess of Courland, February 8–9, 1815,
TLI,
114. King of Saxony moved from Friedrichsfeld, Princess Radziwill, February 21, 1815,
DCV,
II, no. 1752, and Castelalfter, the same day, no. 1753. Talleyrand, Metternich, and Wellington visited with the king of Saxony, Talleyrand,
Memoirs
(1891), II, 209–211, Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII, March 7, 1815,
TLC,
376–377, and his account of the audience, including the words “nothing but objections” and “they seemed to nourish a hope,” Talleyrand to King Louis XVIII, March 12, 1815,
TLC,
380–381. Documents from the visit in
DCV,
II, 900–904. On the king of Saxony’s refusal to sign, Freddi to Hager, March 18, 1815, no. 1925, and more on its lack of success an anonymous note to Hager, that same day,
DCV,
II, no. 1943, and Méneval,
Memoirs,
III, 352. King of Saxony treatment “a stain on the history of the Congress,” Gentz wrote in
Denkschrift, NP,
II, 494, Rosenkrantz, March 8, 1815,
Journal,
177–178.