Grand Expectations: The United States, 1945-1974 (174 page)

45.
David Vogel,
Fluctuating Fortunes: The Political Power of Business in America
(New York, 1989), 93–112; Robert Gottlieb,
Forcing the Spring: The Transformation of the American Environmental Movement
(Washington, 1993), 124–61.

46.
McCormick,
Reclaiming Paradise
, 70–82.

47.
Ibid., 67.

48.
Alfred Marcus, "Environmental Protection Agency," in James Wilson, ed.,
The Politics of Regulation
(New York, 1980), 267–303;
New York Times
, May 26, 1972; Dunlap, "Federal Government."

49.
Mitchell, "From Conservation," 100–103.

50.
Donald Worster,
Rivers of Empire: Water, Aridity, and the Growth of the American West
(New York, 1985), 259–84, 322–26. Congress did reauthorize funding for existing projects.

51.
McCormick,
Reclaiming Paradise
, 79–81.

52.
Siegel,
Troubled Journey
, 215.

53.
Jonathan Rauch, "What Nixon Wrought,"
New Republic
, May 16, 1994, pp. 28–31.

54.
Marcus, "EPA," 285–97; Hays, "Three Decades," 44–47; Malcolm Baldwin, "The Federal Government's Role in the Making of Private Land," in Lacey, ed.,
Government and Environmental Politics
, 183–207; and James Wilson, "The Politics of Regulation," in Wilson, ed.,
Politics of Regulation
, 387–89. Economic stagnation after 1973, to be discussed in
chapter 25
, gave special impetus to corporate arguments against environmental regulations.

55.
Gregg Easterbrook, A
Moment on the Earth: The Coming Age of Environmental Optimism
(New York, 1995); "The Good Earth Looks Better,"
New York Times
, April 21, 1995.

56.
391 U.S. 430 (1968); Blum,
Years of Discord
, 315–18.

57.
396 U.S. 19 (1969).

58.
Nathaniel Jones, "Civil Rights After
Brown:
The Stormy Road We Trod," in Herbert Hill and James Jones, Jr., eds.,
Race in America: The Struggle for Equality
(Madison, 1993), 97–111.

59.
Gary Orfield, "School Desegregation After Two Generations: Race, Schools and Opportunity in Urban Society," in Hill and Jones, eds.,
Race in America
, 234–62. Thereafter, progress toward school desegregation stalled, in large part because of "white flight" from cities and because of court decisions. In 1988, 32.1 percent of students attended schools that were 90 to 100 percent minority in enrollment. See discussion below of
Milliken
v.
Bradley
. For state universities, see
New York Times
, May 18, 1995.

60.
Ambrose,
Nixon: Triumph
, 314–16; Weisbrot,
Freedom Bound
, 282–83.

61.
Ambrose,
Nixon: Triumph
, 330–31, 337–38.

62.
Swann
v.
Charlotte-Mecklenburg County Board of Education
, 402 U.S. 1 (1971).

63.
New York Times
, May 18, 1994.

64.
J. Anthony Lukas,
Common Ground: A Turbulent Decade in the Lives of Three American Families
(New York, 1986); Ronald Formisano,
Boston Against Busing: Race, Class, and Ethnicity in the 1960s and
1970s (Chapel Hill, 1991); and Harvey Kantor and Barbara Brenzel, "Urban Education and the Truly Disadvantaged': The Historical Roots of the Contemporary Crisis, 1945–1990," in Michael Katz, ed.,
The "Underclass" Debate: Views from History
(Princeton, 1993), 366–402.

65.
Ambrose,
Nixon: Triumph
, 460–61.

66.
Jones, "Civil Rights," 101.

67.
411 U.S. 1 (1973). The wealthiest school districts in the San Antonio case spent $594 per pupil, the poorest $356.

68.
418 U.S. 717 (1974). His appointees were Burger, Blackmun, Powell, and Rehnquist. A second
Milliken
decision in 1977 (433 U.S. 267) established various compensatory mechanisms for schoolchildren in Detroit, as ordered to be developed by the
Milliken
decision in 1974.

69.
For developments in urban life in these years, see Peter Muller,
Contemporary Sub/Urban America
(Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1981), 179–81; and Jon Teaford,
The Twentieth-Century American City: Problem, Promise, and Reality
(Baltimore, 1986), 136–43.

70.
Richard Kluger,
Simple Justice: The History of "Brown
v.
Board of Education" and Black America's Struggle for Equality
(New York, 1976), 773.

71.
Mickey Kaus,
The End of Equality
(New York, 1992), 53–54. This is a disputed point, in part because of the ever-complicated problems involved in defining "class." Contemporary observers, however, generally agreed that class and ethnic consciousness seemed sharp in the early 1970s. See Michael Novak,
The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics: Politics and Culture in the Seventies
(New York, 1972).

72.
Ambrose,
Nixon: Triumph
, 310. The phrase "great silent majority," enunciated by Nixon in November 1969, initially sought to rally support for his policies in Vietnam but from the start had a broader applicability.

73.
Jonathan Rieder, "The Rise of the Silent Majority," in Fraser and Gerstle, eds.,
Rise and Fall
, 243–68; Carroll,
It Seemed
, 6–7; Parmet,
Richard Nixon
, 575, 584.

74.
Ambrose,
Nixon: Triumph
, 367–69.

75.
Ibid., 390–97.

76.
Time
, Nov. 16, 1970, p. 16.

77.
Ambrose,
Nixon: Triumph
, 396.

78.
Carroll,
It Seemed
, 128.

79.
Ruth Milkman, "Labor and Management in Uncertain Times," in Wolfe, ed.,
America at Century's End
, 131–51.

80.
David Calleo,
The Imperious Economy
(Cambridge, Mass., 1982), 185; Thomas Edsall, "The Changing Shape of Power: A Realignment in Public Policy," in Fraser and Gerstle, eds.,
Rise and Fall
, 269–93; Bennett Harrison and Barry Bluestone,
The Great U-Turn: Corporate Restructuring and the Polarizing of America
(New York, 1990), vii-xxviii, 3–20.

81.
Juliet Schor,
The Overworked American: The Unexpected Decline of Leisure
(New York, 1992), 80–82.

82.
Richard Easterlin,
Birth and Fortune: The Influence of Numbers on Personal Welfare
(New York, 1980), 23–28. Jones,
Great Expectations
, 152–57, notes that high school graduates began abandoning the notion, so central to attitudes of teenagers in the 1960s, that college would help them find a good life: the percentage of high school graduates who went on to college decreased between 1973 and 1976 from 62 percent to 54 percent. (The stagnant economy after 1973 furthered this trend.)

83.
Carroll,
It Seemed
, 66–67. The most dramatic manifestation of this rebellion broke out in early 1972, when General Motors assembly line workers in Lordstown, Ohio, struck to gain better control of working conditions. The strike cost GM $150 million, but the corporation ultimately triumphed.

84.
Robert Zieger,
American Workers, American Unions
, 1920–1985 (Baltimore, 1986), 166.

85.
Thomas Edsall,
The Politics of Inequality
(New York, 1984), 155. Union membership rose from 18.1 million in 1960 to 20.7 million in 1970, but fell as a percentage of non-agricultural employment from 31.4 percent to 27.4. In 1945, a postwar high, 35.5 percent of non-agricultural workers had belonged to unions; in 1954, a high thereafter, 34.7 percent had. The decline of unions continued after 1970, especially in the 1980s. By 1995 around 15 percent of non-agricultural workers in the United States belonged to labor unions.

86.
Polenberg,
One Nation Divisible
, 225; Carroll,
It Seemed
, 62–66; James Baughman,
The Republic of Mass Culture: Journalism, Filmmaking, and Broadcasting in America Since
1941 (Baltimore, 1992), 145–47.

87.
William Leuchtenburg, A
Troubled Feast: American Society Since 1945
(Boston, 1973), 225; Calleo,
Imperious Economy
, 62–65, 94–96, 105–7; Morris,
Time of Passion
, 158, 176; Carroll,
It Seemed
, 128; Siegel,
Troubled Journey
, 236.

88.
Ambrose,
Nixon: Triumph
, 404; Carroll,
It Seemed
, 128. See also Ellis Hawley, "Challenges to the Mixed Economy: The State and Private Enterprise," in Robert Bremner, Gary Reichard, and Richard Hopkins, eds.,
American Choices: Social Dilemmas and Public Policy Since
1960 (Columbus, Ohio, 1986), esp. 168–72.

89.
See
chapter 25
.

90.
Ambrose,
Nixon: Triumph
, 408–12.

1.
Lloyd Gardner,
The Great Nixon Turnaround
(New York, 1973); Robert Litwak,
Détente and the Nixon Doctrine: American Foreign Policy and the Pursuit of Stability
, 1969–1974 (New York, 1974); Joan Hoff,
Nixon Reconsidered
(New York, 1994), 147–207.

2.
Walter Isaacson,
Kissinger: A Biography
(New York, 1992); Robert Schulzinger,
Henry Kissinger: Doctor of Diplomacy
(New York, 1989); Seymour Hersh,
The Price of Power: Kissinger in the Nixon White House
(New York, 1983).

3.
John Judis,
Grand Illusions: Critics and Champions of the American Century
(New York, 1992), 189–91.

4.
John Lewis Gaddis,
Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Security Policy
(New York, 1982), 298.

5.
Henry Kissinger,
White House Years
(Boston, 1979), 26.

6.
Joan Hoff-Wilson, "Richard M. Nixon: The Corporate Presidency," in Fred Greenstein, ed.,
Leadership in the Modern Presidency
(Cambridge, Mass., 1988), 164–98; Judis,
Grand Illusions
, 180–83; Harold Hongju Koh, "Reflections on
Kissinger," Constitution
(Winter 1993), 40–41.

7.
For a critical view, see Stephen Ambrose, "Between Two Poles: The Last Two Decades of the Cold War,"
Diplomatic History
, 11 (Fall 1987), 371–79.

8.
Newsweek
, Sept. 7, 1992.

9.
Raymond Garthoff,
Détente and Confrontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Reagan
(Washington, 1985), 38–54, 76–106. See also Paul Kennedy,
The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000
(New York, 1987), 406–10. In 1970, Nixon also placed in force a treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons that the United States, the USSR, Great Britain, and China had signed in 1968. By 1995, when the treaty was extended in perpetuity, 178 nations promised to adhere to it.