Grand Expectations: The United States, 1945-1974 (170 page)

8.
Loving
v.
Virginia
, 388 U.S. 1 (1967).

9.
384 U.S. 436; John Blum,
Years of Discord: American Politics and Society
, 1961–1974 (New York, 1991), 212–13.

10.
Newsweek
, June 27, 1966, pp. 21–22.

11.
Paul Gewirtz, "Discrimination Endgame,"
New Republic
, Aug. 12, 1991, pp. 18–23; Nathan Glazer,
Affirmative Discrimination: Ethnic Inequality and Public Policy
(New York, 1975).

12.
Diane Ravitch,
The Troubled Crusade: American Education, 1945–1980
(New York, 1983), 282–84; Robert Weisbrot,
Freedom Bound: A History of America's Civil Rights Movement
(New York, 1990), 292–95; Hugh Davis Graham,
The Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy
, 1960–1972 (New York, 1990), 469–70, 550–65; Graham, "Race, History, and Policy: African Americans and Civil Rights Since 1964,"
Journal of Policy History
, 6 (1994), 12–39; and Paul Burstein,
Discrimination, Jobs, and Politics: The Struggle for Equal Employment in the United States Since the New Deal
(Chicago, 1985).

13.
Mark Day,
César Chávez and the Farm Workers
(New York, 1971); Juan Gonzales,
Mexican and Mexican-American Farm Workers: The California Agricultural Industry
(New York, 1985). The victory in 1970, however, was a high point for the union and for Chávez, whom some union leaders considered authoritarian and inefficient. Many other developments, including grower opposition, mechanization, and rising immigration, further damaged union efforts. By the late 1980s fewer than 10 percent of the grapes in the Delano area were harvested by members of the UFW. See
New York Times
, April 24, 1993.

14.
Carl Degler,
At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present
(New York, 1980), 443; William Chafe,
The Paradox of Change: American Women in the 20th Century
(New York, 1991), 195–97; Arlene Skolnick,
Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty
(New York, 1991), 114–15; David Halberstam, "Discovering Sex,"
American Heritage
, May/June 1993, pp. 39–58; and Cynthia Harrison,
On Account of Sex: The Politics of Women's Issues
, 1945–1968 (Berkeley, 1988), 172.

15.
Harrison,
On Account of Sex
, 172.

16.
In 1950, 31.4 percent of American women over 14 had been in the labor force. These trends accelerated in the mid- and late 1960s: by 1970 there were 31.2 million American women in the work force, or 42.6 percent of women over 16.

17.
Skolnick,
Embattled Paradise
, 72–73, 106–10; Jo Freeman,
The Politics of Women's Liberation: A Case Study of an Emergent Social Movement and Its Relation to the Policy Process
(New York, 1975); Landon Jones,
Great Expectations: America and the Baby Boom Generation
(New York, 1980), 168–72.

18.
Chafe,
Paradox
, 211.

19.
William Chafe,
The Unfinished Journey: America Since World War II
(New York, 1991), 334; John D'Emilio and Estelle Freedman,
Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America
(New York, 1988), 311.

20.
Maurice Isserman, "The Not-So-Dark and Bloody Ground: New Works on the 1960s,"
American Historical Review
, 94 (Oct. 1989), 1000–1001.

21.
Sara Evans,
Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement and the New Left
(New York, 1979), 97–101; Chafe,
Paradox
, 198; Todd Gitlin,
The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage
(New York, 1987), 365–70.

22.
Alice Echols,
Daring to Be Bad: Radical Feminism in America
, 1967–1975 (Minneapolis, 1989); Echols, "Nothing Distant About It: Women's Liberation and Sixties Radicalism," in David Farber, ed.,
The Sixties: From Memory to History
(Chapel Hill, 1994), 149–74. Contemporary feminist manifestos include Kate Millett,
Sexual Politics
(New York, 1969); and Germaine Greer,
The Female Eunuch
(New York, 1971).

23.
Rosalind Rosenberg,
Divided Lives: American Women in the Twentieth Century
(New York, 1992), 188–90; Harrison,
On Account of Sex
, 189–95, 207–8.

24.
Harrison,
On Account of Sex
, 201–8.

25.
Chafe,
Paradox
, 156, 196; Richard Easterlin,
Birth and Fortune: The Impact of Numbers on Personal Welfare
(New York, 1980), 60–61, 148–50.

26.
Sidney Milkis,
The President and the Parties: The Transformation of the American Party System Since the New Deal
(New York, 1993), 195–218.

27.
Joseph Califano,
The Triumph and Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson: The White House Years
(New York, 1991), 118–36, 257–59; Conkin,
Big Daddy
, 231–34; Wolfe,
America's Impasse
, 102–4.

28.
The growth of government in the 1960s was an important source of employment in general. Paid civilian employment of the federal government increased from 2.4 million in 1960 to 2.53 million in 1965 to 2.98 million in 1970 (remaining near that level in the 1970s). These numbers had been 3.81 million in 1945, the last year of World War II; had dropped to 1.91 million by 1950; and then had risen to 2.4 million by 1955. State and local government employment increased more steadily and more rapidly, from 3.2 million in 1945, to 4.3 million in 1950, to 5.1 million in 1955, to 6.4 million in 1960, to 8 million in 1965, and to 10.1 million in 1970.

29.
Jon Teaford,
The Twentieth-Century American City: Problem, Promise, and Reality
(Baltimore, 1986), 136–38; Conkin,
Big Daddy
, 231–32.

30.
See Daniel Moynihan,
Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding: Community Action in the War Against Poverty
(New York, 1969), 129–38.

31.
James Sundquist,
Politics and Policy: The Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Johnson Years
(Washington, 1968), 285.

32.
Newsweek
, Nov. 21, 1966, p. 37.

33.
Conkin,
Big Daddy
, 233–34.

34.
Weisbrot,
Freedom Bound
, 271–72; Graham, "Race, History, and Policy"; Allen Matusow,
The Unraveling of America: A History of Liberalism in the 1960s
(New York, 1984), 206–8; Steven Lawson, "Civil Rights," in Robert Divine, ed.,
Exploring the Johnson Years
(Austin, 1981), 93–125. Other sections sought to help American Indians, by prohibiting tribal governments from making or enforcing laws that violated specified constitutional rights and by prohibiting states from assuming civil or criminal jurisdiction over Indian areas without the consent of the tribes affected. See
chapter 22
for discussion of King's assassination and social turmoil in 1968.

35.
Califano,
Triumph and Tragedy
, 305.

36.
Peter Steinfels,
The Neoconservatives: The Men Who Are Changing America's Politics
(New York, 1979).

37.
Books that display doubts about the virtues of governmental expansion and regulation in the 1960s include Moynihan,
Maximum Feasible
, on the war on poverty; James Wilson, ed.,
The Politics of Regulation
(New York, 1980); and Ravitch,
Troubled Crusade
, on education. Ravitch noted, 312–20, that there were ninety-two federal government regulations affecting education in 1965 and almost a thousand in 1977. A Bible of sorts for conservatives is Charles Murray,
Losing Ground: American Social Policy
, 1950–1980 (New York, 1984).

38.
The trend to the right, of course, greatly assisted the Republican party, which grew much stronger in the United States after 1966. See Jerome Himmelstein, To
the Right: The Transformation of American Conservatism
(Berkeley, 1990), 63–94, for comments on the 1960s.

39.
Ravitch,
Troubled Crusade
, 167.

40.
Bart Landry,
The New Black Middle Class
(Berkeley, 1987), 67–70 estimates that the percentage of blacks in "middle-class" occupations doubled between 1960 and 1970, growing from approximately 13 percent to 25 percent. The percentage of whites in such occupations increased also, but at a slower pace, from 44 percent in 1960 to 50 percent in 1970. His definition of "middle-class" occupations included sales and clerical workers. See also Teaford,
Twentieth-Century American City
, 148–50; James Smith and Finis Welch,
Closing the Gap: Forty Years of Economic Progress for Blacks
(Santa Monica, 1986); Orlando Patterson, "Race, Gender, and Liberal Fantasies,"
New York Times
, Oct. 20, 1991.

41.
Richard Polenberg,
One Nation Divisible: Class, Race, and Ethnicity in the United States Since
1938 (New York, 1980), 235–37.

42.
For Baldwin, see Morris Dickstein,
Gates of Eden: American Culture in the Sixties
(New York, 1977), 169. For Clark, see Talcott Parsons and Kenneth Clark, eds.,
The Negro American
(Boston, 1965), xviii. See especially Walter Jackson,
Gunnar Myrdal and America's Conscience: Social Engineering and Racial Liberalism
, 1938–1987 (Chapel Hill, 1987), 305–7.

43.
Werner Sollors, "Of Mules and Mares in a Land of Difference; or, Quadrupeds All?"
American Quarterly
, 42 (June 1990), 183–84.

44.
Newsweek
, June 20, 1966, pp. 27–31; John Dittmer,
Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi
(Urbana, 1994), 389–407.

45.
Dittmer,
Local People
395–96; Weisbrot,
Freedom Bound
, 199–200, estimated the size of the crowd at 3,000 and attributed slightly different language to Carmichael.

46.
Manning Marable,
Race, Reform, and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction in Black America
, 1945–1990 (Jackson, 1991), 86–113; David Colburn and George Pozzetta, "Race, Ethnicity, and the Evolution of Political Legitimacy," in Farber, ed.,
Sixties
, 119–48.

47.
Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton,
Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America
(New York, 1967), tried to explain.

48.
Ibid., 44.

49.
Fred Siegel,
Troubled Journey: From Pearl Harbor to Ronald Reagan
(New York, 1984), 166–68.

50.
Dittmer,
Local People
, 397.

51.
William O'Neill,
Coming Apart: An Informal History of America in the 1960s
(Chicago, 1971), 174.

52.
Dittmer,
Local People
, 397; Weisbrot,
Freedom Bound
, 200.

53.
Dittmer,
Local People
, 399–400.

54.
Ibid., 402.

55.
Blum,
Years of Discord
, 265; Gitlin,
Sixties
, 348–50; Hugh Pearson,
The Shadow of the Panther: Huey Newton and the Price of Black Power in America
(New York, 1994); and William Van Deberg,
New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture
, 1965–1975 (Chicago, 1992).