Grand Expectations: The United States, 1945-1974 (173 page)

9.
James Patterson,
The Dread Disease: Cancer and Modern American Culture
(Cambridge, Mass., 1987), 201–30. These were token victories: opponents of smoking wanted more explicit warnings (later achieved); the ban on TV and radio ads saved the companies a good deal of money that they had previously spent for such pur-poses. Per capita cigarette smoking increased until the late 1970s.

10.
Harvey Levenstein,
Paradox of Plenty: A Social History of Eating in Modern America
(New York, 1993), 160–77, 204–6.

11.
Randy Roberts and James Olson,
Winning Is the Only Thing: Sports in America Since
1945 (Baltimore, 1989), 222–24; Landon Jones,
Great Expectations: America and the Baby Boom Generation
(New York, 1980), 257–59.

12.
Todd Gitlin,
The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage
(New York, 1987), 425; Aristides, "Incidental Meditations,"
American Scholar
(Spring 1976), 173–79.

13.
Diane Ravitch,
The Troubled Crusade: American Education
, 1945–1980 (New York, 1980), 235–37, 250–56; Gitlin,
Sixties
, 429–30.

14.
Fred Siegel,
Troubled Journey: From Pearl Harbor to Ronald Reagan
(New York, 1984), 209.

15.
Richard Polenberg,
One Nation Divisible: Class, Race, and Ethnicity in the United States Since
1938 (New York, 1980), 270; Arlene Skolnick,
Embattled Paradise: The American Family in an Age of Uncertainty
(New York, 1991), 103–5,
117-18;
, Carl Degler,
At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present
(New York, 1980), 446–47; Ravitch,
Troubled Crusade
, 293. For varied reasons, the surge later ebbed, and ERA finally failed of ratification, lacking three states, in 1982.

16.
Shapiro
v.
Thompson
, 394 U.S. 618 (1969), by a margin of 6 to 3. Warren was a dissenter.

17.
Mary Ann Glendon, "Rights in Twentieth-Century Constitutions: The Case of Welfare Reform," in Hugh Davis Graham, ed.,
Civil Rights in the United States
(University Park, Pa., 1994), 140–50. The case was
Goldberg
v.
Kelly
, 397 U.S. 618 (1969).

18.
Griggs
v.
Duke Power Co.
, 401 U.S. 424 (1971X10 be discussed later in this chapter); and
Furman
v.
Georgia
, 408 U.S. 238 (1972).

19.
410 U.S. 113 (1973), by a vote of 7 to 2. See
Newsweek
, Feb. 5, 1973, pp. 27–28; David Garrow,
Liberty and Sexuality: The Right to Privacy and the Making of "Roe v. Wade" (New York, 1994);
Norma McCorvey, with Andy Meisler,
I Am Roe
(New York, 1994).

20.
The Connecticut case was
Griswold
v.
Connecticut
, 381 U.S. 479 (1965). See
chapter 19
.

21.
See
chapter 15
.

22.
Theodore Draper,
The Rediscovery of Black Nationalism
(New York, 1970), 108.

23.
Maurice Isserman and Michael Kazin, "The Failure and Success of the New Radicalism," in Steve Fraser and Gary Gerstle, eds.,
The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order
, 1930–1980 (Princeton, 1989), 212–42.

24.
William O'Neill,
Coming Apart: An Informal History of America in the 1960s
(Chicago, 1971), 295; John Diggins,
The Rise and Fall of the American Left
(New York, 1992), 231; Gitlin,
Sixties
, 399–401.

25.
Gitlin,
Sixties
, 399–401; Diggins,
Rise and Fall
, 231.

26.
Winifred Breines, "Whose New Left?,"
Journal of American History
, 75 (Sept. 1988), 528–45; Isserman and Kazin, "Failure and Success."

27.
Among the many sources on Nixon in these years are Garry Wills,
Nixon Agonistes: The Crisis of the Self-Made Man
(Boston, 1970); Stanley Kutler,
The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis of Richard Nixon
(New York, 1990); H. R. Haldeman,
The Haldeman Diaries: Inside the Nixon White House
(New York, 1994); J. Anthony Lukas,
Nightmare: The Underside of the Nixon Years
(New York, 1976); Herbert Parmet,
Richard Nixon and His America
(Boston, 1990), esp. 535, 565, 572, 610; Joan Hoff-Wilson, "Richard Nixon: The Corporate Presidency," in Fred Greenstein, ed.,
Leadership in the Modern Presidency
(Cambridge, Mass., 1988), 164–98; Joan Hoff,
Nixon Reconsidered
(New York, 1994); Alonzo Hamby,
Liberalism and Its Challengers: From FDR to Bush
(New York, 1992), 282–338; and especially Stephen Ambrose,
Nixon: The Triumph of a Politician
, 1962–1972 (New York, 1989). Ambrose's book is one of three volumes that he wrote on Nixon.

28.
Alan Wolfe,
America's Impasse: The Rise and Fall of the Politics of Growth
(New York, 1981), 73.

29.
Hoff,
Nixon Reconsidered
, 137–38. The proposal, of course, did not pass, and Nixon knew that it would not. Still, he seems to have been sincere in support of it.

30.
Congress also sent to the states the Twenty-sixth Amendment to the Constitution, ratified in 1971, which gave 18-year-olds the right to vote.

31.
Jeremy Rabkin, "Office for Civil Rights," in James Wilson, ed.,
The Politics of Regulation (New York
, 1980), 304, 314–16, 436–37; Ravitch,
Troubled Crusade
, 292. Nixon was cool, however, to the larger agenda of women's rights: in 1972 he vetoed a bill that promised to set up a national system of day-care centers, arguing that the bill would establish "communal approaches to child-rearing, over against the family centered approach." See John Blum,
Years of Discord: American Politics and Society, 1961–1974
(New York, 1991), 411.

32.
Daniel Moynihan,
The Politics of a Guaranteed Income: The Nixon Administration and the Family Assistance Plan
(New York, 1973); Vincent Burke and Vee Burke,
Nixon's Good Deed: Welfare Reform
(New York, 1974); Hoff,
Nixon Reconsidered
, 123–37; and Charles Morris, A
Time of Passion: America, 1960–1980
(New York, 1984), 140–43.

33.
The number of recipients of AFDC rose from 7.4 million in 1970 to 11.1 million in 1975, stabilizing thereafter until the recession of 1991–92. Federal benefits for AFDC increased in current dollars from a total of $2.2 billion in fiscal 1970 to $4.6 billion in fiscal 1975. States added $1.4 billion in 1970 and $3.8 billion in 1975. See Committee on Ways and Means, U.S. House of Representatives,
Overview of Entitlement Programs: 1992 Green Book
(Washington, 1992), 654, 660.

34.
AFDC, the largest of the "categorical assistance" programs established in 1935, remained a federal-state program, and therefore one that varied considerably from state to state. AFDC payments were not indexed, and the real value of benefits fell considerably after 1973. The different approach of Congress to the indigent aged and the disabled on the one hand and "welfare mothers" on the other suggested the continuing sense among Americans that some poor people (such as the aged and disabled) were more "deserving" of aid than others.

35.
Gary Burtless, "Public Spending on the Poor: Historical Trends and Economic Limits," in Sheldon Danziger, Gary Sandefur, and Daniel Weinberg, eds.,
Confronting Poverty: Prescriptions for Change
(Cambridge, Mass., 1994), 51–84. Overall federal spending between 1969 and 1975, years in which defense expenditures increased only slightly (from $82.5 billion to $86.5 billion), jumped from $195.6 billion to $332.5 billion. Deficits accumulated between the fiscal years 1970 and 1975 totaled $123.4 billion, compared to total deficits of $50.3 billion between 1945 and 1950 (almost all of it in the war year of 1945), $9.1 billion between 1950 and 1955, $11 billion between 1955 and 1960, $22.9 billion between 1960 and 1965, and $44.6 billion between 1965 and 1970. Per capita federal debt rose between 1970 and 1975 from $1,814 to $2,475. (It had been $1,849 in 1945, $1,688 in 1950, $1,572 in 1960, and $1,613 in 1965.) After 1975, federal spending, deficits, and the debt rose to levels that would have been unimaginable prior to 1975. By 1990 federal spending was $1,252 trillion, the deficit $220 billion, and per capita federal debt $13,100. Expenditures for interest on the debt by then came to 21.1 percent of federal outlays, a percentage roughly twice as high as those between 1950 and 1975. All these figures are in current dollars. See
Statistical Abstract of the United States
, 1994 (Washington, 1994), 330–33.

36.
The poverty rate had been 21.9 percent in 1961 and 17.3 percent in 1965. Thanks to problems with the economy after 1973 (see
chapter 25
), to a rise in the number of poor female-headed families, and to the declining real value in the 1970s and 1980s of AFDC benefits, poverty thereafter increased, ranging between 11.8 and 15.3 percent of a larger population between 1978 and 1992. In 1992, when the rate was 14.5 percent, there were 36.9 million Americans defined by the government poverty line as poor, compared to 33.6 million in 1965, 26.3 million in 1969, and 23.2 million in 1973. See Sheldon Danziger and Daniel Weinberg, "The Historical Record: Trends in Family Income, Inequality, and Poverty," in Danziger et al., eds.,
Confronting Poverty
, 18–50.

37.
James Patterson,
America's Struggle Against Poverty
, 1900–1994 (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), 197–98.

38.
Hoff,
Nixon Reconsiderd
, 65–73.

39.
Otis Graham,
Toward a Planned Society: From Roosevelt to Nixon
(New York, 1976), 188–263; Hoff-Wilson, 175–78.

40.
William Hagan,
American Indians
(Chicago, 1979); Francis Paul Prucha, "Indian Relations," in Jack Greene, ed.,
Encyclopedia of American Political History
, Vol. 2 (New York, 1984), 609–22; Peter Carroll,
It Seemed Like Nothing Happened: The Tragedy and Promise of America in the
1970s (New York, 1982), 104–6; Hoff,
Nixon Reconsidered
, 27–42.

41.
Hoff,
Nixon Reconsidered
, 90–92; Seymour Lipset, "Affirmative Action and the American Creed,"
Wilson Quarterly
, 16 (Winter 1992), 52–62; Ravitch,
Troubled Crusade
, 282–84; Thomas Edsall, "Race,"
Atlantic Monthly
, May 1991, pp. 53–86; and Hugh Davis Graham,
The Civil Rights Era: Origins and Development of National Policy
, 1960–1972 (New York, 1990), esp. 302–8.

42.
Paul Gewirtz, "Discrimination Endgame,"
New Republic
, Aug. 12, 1991, pp. 18–23. The Supreme Court much later backtracked on issues such as those involved in the
Griggs
case. Especially notable in this regard was the case of Wards
Cove Packing Co
. v.
Atonio
in 1989.

43.
Hugh Davis Graham, "Race, History, and Policy: African Americans and Civil Rights Since 1964,"
Journal of Policy History
, 6 (1994), 12–39.

44.
See Michael Lacey, ed.,
Government and Environmental Politics: Essays on Historical Developments Since World War Two
(Washington, 1989), especially the following essays: Thomas Dunlap, "The Federal Government, Wildlife, and Endangered Species," 209–32; Samuel Hays, "Three Decades of Environmental Policies: The Historiographical Context," 19–79; Robert Mitchell, "From Conservation to Environmental Movement: The Development of the Modern Environmental Lobbies," 81–113; and Joseph Sax, "Parks, Wilderness, and Recreation," 115–40. See also Hays,
Beauty, Health, and Permanence: Environmental Politics in the United States
, 1955–1985 (New York, 1987); and Thomas McCormick,
Reclaiming Paradise: The Global Environmental Movement
(Bloomington, Ind., 1989), ix, 11, 54–56. The estimate of numbers in environmental groups is from Mitchell, "From Conservation," 96.