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Authors: Julie Tetel Andresen,Phillip M. Carter

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Anishinaabemowin Revitalization in Wisconsin

The Algonquian language family once stretched continuously from present-day North Carolina north through central Canada and west to present-day Montana. Its languages – Cree, Massachusset, Menonimi, and many others – were as distinctive from one another as the cultural groups who spoke them. Many of the languages were lost to the effects of European colonialism, but many others have managed to survive, if tenuously. One of the surviving languages is Ojibwe (Anishinaabemowin), which is still spoken by about 55,000 people as a series of mostly mutually intelligible varieties throughout the Ojibwe homeland, the Great Lakes region of Canada and the United States.

Like most Native American languages, Ojibwe is considered extremely endangered. The number of speakers is considered relatively high for a Native American language, but the speakers are spread out across a great swath of territory, from the Dakotas, northern Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota in the United States, to as far east as Quebec in Canada. As the language has dwindled in number in the United States, efforts to revitalize it have become a top priority in many communities. On the Leech Lake Reservation in Minnesota, the Niigaane Ojibwemowin Immersion School opened its doors to Ojibwe children for the first time in 2003. From kindergarten to the sixth grade, children receive Ojibwe-language instruction in all curricular areas. The goal is to produce the next generation of Ojibwe speakers in the community. Similar efforts are being made in Ojibwe communities throughout the Great Lakes region.

Margaret Noodin is a professor, poet, and scholar of Native American studies living and working in the state of Wisconsin. She is also a leader in the efforts to revitalize Anishinaabemowin, the local name for Ojibwe. We invited Professor Noodin to tell the story of the Anishinaabemowin language in her words. She sent us the following poem, written in Ojibwe and with an English translation:

Gabe-agindamwag.
Eternal Counting.
Niizhiwag, biimiskobizowaad
As a pair, they rotate
Gizhibaawaashiwaad
turning in the wind,
didibaabizowaad, giizhigo-maadagewaad
spinning, swimming in the sky
Giizis, Dibiki-giizis, ganjiwebinidizo.
Sun, Moon, pushing one another.

 

Gabe-agindamwaad.
Eternal Counting.
Agwaayaashkaa,
The tide comes in,
Animaashkaa,
the tide goes out,
Ezhi-ombishkaaying kina,
the way we all rise,
ezhi-naanzhiodetaaying.
The way we are all lowered by our hearts.

We also asked Professor Noodin to describe the hopes, challenges, pleasures, and fears of the Anishinaabemowin revitalization effort. This is what she told us:

In Milwaukee, Wisconsin, I walk into Anishinaabemowin language class and talk with brilliant, hard-working students who represent both the near and distant future. They are the long shadows of their ancestors' past as the people lived through evolution, migration and colonization. Some days we count by twos or tens just to prove we can push our minds to play outside English. Then, we talk of seasons and stories and pretend to be people of the past or animals who speak, always playing with words, description, and conjugation. We talk of the way we build sentences from the center, the way our lives and our earth expand with ancient and unstoppable centrifugal force. Then, I walk out, we all leave, and I can't see whether or not we've made a difference at all. Like the Sun and the Moon and the tides of my poetry, the forces that control our lives and our language are not visible at the micro level. I can't see if that hour has become a part of memory, if our laughter or frustration will ripple forward into our lives, if the Anishinaabe way of speaking will be pulled into the next generation … or not.

At home I sing with my daughters and friends. We call ourselves Miskwaasining Nagamojig, the Swamp Singers, because the Anishinaabe are people of the great lakes and great forests and vast networks of rivers and swamps that make up the places between. For centuries, the women in Anishinaabe communities have been especially attentive to the water. There are words for smooth or choppy water, words for deep and dangerous water and words for the bright beautiful stuff of life we all need to survive. The language carries the echo of
nibii
‘water' in
niibiish
‘the leaf'. It carries an understanding of the waved and rhythmic way we submerge our consciousness in
nibaa
‘to sleep' and the way we disintegrate back into the cycle of life in
nibo
the word for ‘death.' This is the way every language weaves its epistemology into language, layering ideas and perspectives with sound and syntax. This is the way we arrange meaning in patterns of communication that lead to lyric ceremonies, celebrations of shared experience, songs of meeting by the water, singing with the water. We sing in Anishinaabemowin because we want to save these words and ways of knowing, ways of helping one another heal, stand strong, bear pain, forgive, and let go. When used regularly by real people as a living language, any language can be the tissue that builds the bones of identity. In one of our songs we say,

 

Shkaakaamikwe g'gikenmaanaa
Mother Earth we know her
G'gikenmaagonaan pii nagamoyaang
She knows us when we sing

There are many lessons in these words. Shkaakaamikwe literally implies a feminine ability to renew, neither the word for ‘mother'
gashe
nor ‘earth'
aki
are in the name, but the reciprocal relationship is clear. Further evidence of the relationship is the verb form that shows two animate beings knowing and hearing one another.

To share songs like this one and stores related to it, to reach beyond the places we can touch and see, we created a website, an address in the ether, commonly referred to as the cloud. The site
2
is a commons that connects us like the great inland seas that surround
us. We post words and sounds in Michigan and Wisconsin for cousins in Ontario and Minnesota. We reach across two big nations, the United States and Canada, as if they did not exist and sometimes we hear from faraway friends who are working with their own languages in Ireland, Wales, China, New Zealand or Siberia. Over 3500 connect with us via the internet, and we consider all the files to be open archives for the future.

Our work with language is to gather the data, respond to the tides, stay on the paths that keep us suspended. Our words are an orbit we'd like to think we maintain, but perhaps it is the cycle of exchange that actually maintains us.

We thank Professor Noodin for sharing her story.

What Is Choice?

In the future, speakers across the world will increasingly be faced with a decision that many of our readers may find impossible to imagine: the decision to trade in the language of the home for a language of prestige. As hyperacceleration of the world's languages continues apace, this decision will be faced not only by a small minority groups pressured into acquiescing to larger regional languages – speakers of Karen pressured to learn Burmese, for example – but also for speakers of large regional languages, who will feel pressure to learn the globalizing languages – speakers of Burmese who experience the urgency of Mandarin or English. Neither politicians, who may wish for speakers to give up minority languages, nor linguists, who may wish for speakers to keep them, can decide. The decision quite simply belongs to the speakers who are faced with making language decisions for themselves, their families, and their communities.

Except in the cases of sudden and radical death, outlined above, the statistics we have provided throughout this chapter about language loss are the result of decisions made by speakers to either abandon their mother tongue or not pass it down to their children, or both. The future of the world's languages is therefore a future based in hundreds of millions of individual decisions. But what does it mean to make a choice about something so fundamental to identity as language?

First, the decision to abandon a language is often made in the context of harmful language ideologies that are rooted in the interests of those in positions of political, economic, and cultural power. That is, ideologies that articulate the value of majority languages while demoting the value of minority languages exist because powerful individuals, groups, and institutions benefit from them.

Second, harmful ideologies about language tend to be linked to other ideological formations having to do with race, class, tribe, region, and nation, which further promote inequality and consolidate power for those who already have it, while relegating to the margins those speakers who already reside there. In other words, speakers of minority language varieties often experience multiple forms of oppression at the same time. The decision to abandon a marginal language for an ostensibly more prestigious one may be perceived as the most feasible way of avoiding broad social stigma.

Third, language decisions are often presented to speakers as false dichotomies: give up X to acquire Y. Acquiring Swahili does not actually
require
the loss of Vidunda, for example, though this may well be the impression children get from attending schools in which Swahili is the only language of instruction.

Fourth, choices about language are often presented with false guarantees: give up the home language, and success will follow. It may well be the case that English will give a speaker more linguistic capital than Nepali in the linguistic marketplace, but then again it may not. Acquiring Swahili may well improve the economic conditions of those in Vidunda Ward, but then it also might not.

Language is always catching up to the conditions that set it in motion in the first place. As a result of the last 100,000+ years, language has constantly looped itself not only around an individual's neuronal pathways but equally significantly around the speakers in a community, the landscapes they live in, and the educational and political structures they create. Sound inventories increase or decrease and/or might change character, shifting from nontonal to tonal. Lexical items know nothing of linguistic borders. Particular syntactic structures may arise out of the pressures of multilingual residual zones. Belief systems spread through religions and economies. In the end, individual and individual communities have always had a choice about what language(s) they speak and how they speak, whether they knew it or not.

Final Note: Our Advocacies

We urge speakers to empower themselves with information in order to make the best choices concerning the survival of their language(s). We appreciate that while not all speakers are eager to rescue their imperiled languages from extinction, we believe language death nevertheless to be a global problem deserving of political, intellectual, and humanitarian attention. In writing this book, one of the things that struck us most powerfully was the magnitude of this problem, both in terms of the rate of disappearance of the world's languages and in terms of the burden of language death, which disproportionally falls on the shoulders of those who speak minority languages.

For others of us not speaking an endangered language, we advocate additive multilingualism or bidialectalism, depending on where you live. We acknowledge that dignity is tied to identity, and identity is tied to language. Therefore, no matter what language or language variety you speak, you should never have to feel
vergonha
, that is, the feeling of shame for speaking a socially stigmatized language variety, or the feeling of shame of having given up the home language due to social pressure to do so. We cannot tell leaders and policy makers around the world what decisions to make about language matters in their countries or regions, but we can ask them to become informed about some of the basic working of language, what we are calling
the language loop
, and of language communities and their gifts, needs, and interests.

Above all, at the end of this book, we want to state that linguistic diversity is not a problem to be managed. It is a fact of life to be celebrated.

Language Profile: K'iche' [Quiché (Mayan)]
Functional overview

Quiché belongs to the Eastern Branch of the Mayan language family. Classical Quiché is the name given to the historical variety of the language that was spoken throughout
Central Guatemala at the time of the Spanish conquest in the sixteenth century. This variety was preserved in a number of historical texts, including the Mayan creation story, which we describe at the end of this profile. The number of speakers of Quiché today is uncertain, but linguists estimate the figure to be between one and two million speakers, who live mostly in Guatemala's central highlands and around the cities of Chichicastenango and Quetzaltenango. Most of these speakers are bilingual in Spanish, but there may be as many as 300,000 monolingual speakers of the language. Quiché is the most widely spoken of Guatemala's approximately 23 indigenous languages, making it the second most spoken language in the country following Spanish. The modern language is written with one of a number of spelling conventions that make use of an adapted Latin alphabet. Though literacy remains low in Quiché, the language is increasingly used in local schools throughout Central Guatemala. Quiché has been recognized with 20 other Mayan languages as a national minority language, giving it some recognition but no official language status. Spanish remains the only official language of Guatemala.

The Quiché-speaking region of Central Guatemala comprises five distinctive regions: north, south, east, west, and central. The central variety, spoken in the heavily Mayan Quetzaltenango Department, is the variety of Quiché used most often in formal education and the media. For the most part, the various regional varieties are mutually intelligible and differ from one another primarily in terms of their vocalic systems. These differences represent historical change from Classical Quiché. For example, the western variety known as Nahualá spoken in the Sololá Department is considered by linguists to be linguistically conservative for preserving sounds from the classical variety that have been lost in other Quiché varieties. One such feature is the historical distinction between long (/aː, eː, iː, oː, uː/) and short /a, e, i, o, u/) vowels, which has not been maintained elsewhere.

Prominent structural characteristics
Consonant inventory: ejectives and implosives

In the language profile from Chapter 10 (!Xóõ), we saw that while most sounds in the world's languages are produced using air from the lungs (the so-called
pulmonic airstream mechanism
), some languages use sounds that rely on airstream sources originating in other parts of the vocal tract. One example of this are the ejective consonants first introduced at the end of Chapter 2. These consonants rely on an airstream originating at the glottis rather than the lungs. Ejective consonants are very common in Quiché, and in fact the first sound of the name of the language
K'iche'
begins with the ejective /k'/. When speakers pronounce the name of their language, several things happen in quick succession. First, the glottis raises from its default position. At the same time, the back of the tongue raises and makes a tight constriction with the velum. As a consequence of this configuration, air pressure builds up, causing an audible burst upon its release.

All spoken varieties of Quiché have ejective consonants, as well as their voiceless stop and voiceless affricate equivalents. That is, the inventory of voiceless stops and affricates /t, ts, tʃ, k, q/ corresponds one to one to the inventory of ejectives /t', ts', tʃ', k', q'/. For example,
ixoq
‘woman' ends with the voiceless uvular stop /q/, while loq' ends with the voiceless uvular ejective /q'/.

In our list of stop and ejective consonants above, we purposefully left out the voiceless stop /p/, which occurs in words such as
paxik'
‘acorn.' There is nothing remarkable about /p/ as such; however, its glotallized counterpart in Quiché is not the expected ejective /p'/ but rather /б/, a voiced bilabial implosive. Implosive consonants differ from ejectives in a couple of ways. First, they have a mixed airstream mechanism: pulmonic egressive (air ascends from lungs) and glottalic ingressive (air flows into the vocal tract through the nose or mouth). That is, as the glottis moves downward, air simultaneously rises from the lungs. Second, rather than releasing an audible puff of air, implosives are released by drawing air inward. When speakers of Quiché pronounce words containing the implosive, such as
kixkab'
[kiʃ-kɑб] ‘earthquake,' outsiders sometimes perceive them to be ‘inhaling' or ‘swallowing' the ‘b' sound.

Some varieties of Quiché also have a voiceless bilabial implosive, which is produced with the vocal folds closed. This is an extremely rare sound in the world's languages. Voiced implosives are considered an areal feature in the languages of sub-Saharan Africa.

Verb morphology

We have seen several times that languages might have either: accusative alignment, in which the subjects of transitive and intransitive verbs are seen as separate from the objects of transitive verbs; or ergative alignment, where the object of the transitive verb is grouped with the subject of an intranstive verb, and these are seen as distinct from the subject of a transitive verb. In the language profiles on Kurdish (Chapter 4) and Tibetan (Chapter 9), we have seen how ergative systems work in specific detail. In this profile, we revisit ergativity one last time in order, first, to note that many of the world's ergative languages are found in the indigenous languages of the Americas and, second, to illustrate how ergativity works in the broader context of Quiché verbal morphology.

All Mayan languages demonstrate ergativity, including Ch'ol, Mam, Q'anjob'al, Tzotzil, Tzeltal, and of course Quiché. As in other Mayan languages, ergativity in Quiché is expressed morphologically with verbal markers. Ergative morphemes on the verb stem mark subjects of transitive verbs, while absolutive morphemes mark the subjects of intransitive verbs. These morphemes coordinate with other verbal morphologies expressing aspect and mood. Given that all of this grammatical information is provided morphologically on verbs, we can note that Quiché is thus an inflectionally rich language. The following template (Pye 2001) shows the structure of Quiché verbs and the order in which inflections are applied to the stem.

aspect + Absolutive (+ movement) + (Ergative) + stem (+derivation) (+termination)

We will work through certain of these inflections in order from left to right, beginning with aspect. In modern Quiché, all inflected verbs are marked for one of four aspects, as follows:

  • k – incompletive
  • x – completive
  • ch – imperative or irrealis
  • ∅ (unmarked) – perfective

Thus, in the verb
kawaʔik
(S/he is eating), the aspect marker
k
indicates that the act of eating is in progress.

Should the verb be intransitive, the next morpheme to appear in the sequence is the absolutive marker, which varies in form depending on grammatical number (first –
in
, second –
at
, third – ∅, unmarked). If the verb should be marked for ergativity, the ergative morpheme comes next in the sequence. In this case, the form not only varies by grammatical number but also is conditioned by the following phonetic environment, with different forms appearing before vowels and consonants, as follows:

Person
prevocalic
preconsonantal
1
inw
in
2
aw
a
3
r
u

Termination (TERM) affixes follow ergative morphemes in the inflectional sequence and are used to mark the transitive/intransitive dimension of the verb. The following two examples illustrate the primary verbal morphemes in Quiché verbs:

kawaʔik
k
-
∅
-
waʔ
-
ik
ASP
3A
eat
TERM
‘S/he is eating it.'

 

xintijoh
x
-
∅
-
in
-
tij
-
oh
ASP
3A
1E
eat
TERM
‘I ate it.'

In the first example, the aspect prefix
k
indicates that the action is ongoing, while in the second example the prefix
x
indicates that the action is completed. The termination suffixes
ik
and
oh
coordinate the transitivity of the verbs. We will see how these suffixes work in more detail in the next section on
antipassives.

Antipassives

In English, if we want to emphasize
who
is responsible for a particular action in a sentence, we use the active voice. ‘Juan won the spelling bee,' ‘Marta ate the cake,' and ‘Keisha finished the report' illustrate this type of construction. The noun phrases ‘the spelling bee,' ‘the cake,' and ‘the report,' are direct objects in the examples above but can be promoted to the role of grammatical subjects in a type of construction known as the passive voice. This construction allows speakers of English to emphasize
what
received the action rather than
who
performed the actoin. The subject of the active voice (Juan, Marta, and Keisha) may appear in prepositional phrases or not appear at all, again depending on what a speaker wishes to emphasize. For example, ‘Juan won the spelling bee' can be reformulated as ‘The spelling bee was won (by Juan),' while the other sentences can be reformulated as ‘the cake was eaten (by Marta),' and ‘the report was finished (by Keisha).' Writing teachers in the United States are renowned for telling students to avoid the passive voice at all costs – the
active voice supposedly makes for more lively reading – but in truth both constructions have their place and depend on the needs of the writer or speaker.

Quiché has active and passive constructions similar to those in English. But because Quiché syntax is ergative in nature, it also has a type of construction known as antipassive in which the object of the transitive verb (the spelling bee, the cake, the report, from the earlier examples) is deleted rather than the subject. Antipassive constructions are found in ergative languages including Basque, the Australian Aboriginal language Dyirbal, the Native American language Salish, and various Austronesian languages, in addition to Quiché and other Mayan languages. Like passives, antipassives are also about perspective taking; they allow speakers to emphasize the transitive subject.

The following example (Pye and Quixtan Poz 1988) illustrates a Quiché transitive verb in the active voice. The aspect marker ‘k' marks the verb as incomplete (INCOM), and the verbal marker ‘oh' marks the verb as transitive.

k
-
at
-
inw
-
il
-
oh
INCOM
2A
1E
see
TRANS
‘I see you'

In the active sentence, the second person singular pronoun ‘you' appears in the absolutive case, and the first person singular pronoun ‘I' appears in the ergative case. In the following examples illustrating the Quiché antipassive, the suffixes /ow/ and /n/ (ANT – antipassive) are added to make the transitive sentence intransitive. As such, the transitive object does not appear, and the subject now appears in the absolutive case rather than the ergative case, in keeping with the arrangements of ergative grammar.

k
-
in
-
tzuku
-
n
-
ik
INCOM
1A
look (for)
ANT
INTRANS
‘I look for'

 

k
-
at
-
ch'ay
-
ow
-
ik
INCOM
2A
hit
ANT
TERM
‘You hit.'

These sentences sound odd to English speakers, who expect grammatical complements with transitive verbs, but to speakers of Quiché, these constructions are an ordinary part of the language.

A salient cultural characteristic: the
Popul Vuh

According to Quiché tradition, the world, in the beginning, was an empty, motionless, and silent expanse of sky and sea. But then came “the word,” as it is recorded, and “like a lightning bolt it ripped through the sky, penetrated the waters, and fertilized the minds of the Earth-Water Deities.” The earth emerged from the sea; plant and animal life proliferated. The golden kernels belonging to a plant known as
maize
were ground into a thick dough, out of which the first humans – four men followed by four women – were shaped and given life. The Heavens blew mist into the eyes of
the men in order to limit their sight to the earth, not the heavens. This way, earth's people were oriented to their land and to their communities. The first humans were also given the gift of language – K'iche' – which permitted them to understand and connect with one another as they connected with the earth.

This creation myth is the first story recorded in the
Popul Vuh
‘Book of the Community'
,
the sacred book of cultural narratives belonging to the Quiché people. The book itself is significant for three reasons. First, it gives us a sense of the time-depth of Quiché oral culture: engravings discovered by archeologists in Central Guatemala depicting creation stories from the
Popul Vuh
date to at least 300 BCE. This means that the Quiché people have been telling their stories in the Quiché language for well over two millennia. Second, it illustrates the relationship between writing systems and religion. When the Spanish arrived in the early sixteenth century, they burned their way through the Native Americas, but they also left behind the Latin alphabet. Mayan authors were thus able to record the
Popul Vuh
in a modern script between 1554 and 1558. In the eighteenth century, a parish priest presiding in Chichicastenango translated the Quiché version into Spanish. Finally, the
Popul Vuh
shows that in the Quiché account of the world, human life has been divinely bound to language and to the earth from the very beginning. The three are inextricably linked, as illustrated in the following verses from the
Popol Vuh
, presented first in Quiché, followed by a translation in English.

Kate q'ut xkikoh pa tzih utzakik, Ubitik
Qanabe chuch, Qahav.
Xa q'ana hal, Zaqi hal utiyohil.
Xa ‘echa raqan, Uq'ab vinaq.

And so then they put into words the creation, the shaping
Of our first mother and father.
Only yellow corn And white corn were their bodies.
Only food were the legs, and arms of man. –
Popol Vuh

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